Articles
188 Documents
<![CDATA[The Impact of the Government Revolution 4.0 on District Integrated Administration Service (DIAS) ]]>
<![CDATA[Karno Karno]]>;
<![CDATA[Andi Masrich]]>;
<![CDATA[Afif Syarifudin Yahya]]>;
<![CDATA[Afni Nooraini]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL Volume 19, Issue 2, Year 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jis.19.2.2020.160-179
<![CDATA[The government is required to manage the government system to achieve the state’s goals as guaranteed by the Republic of Indonesia’s constitution. The management of a government system requires fundamental changes through the Government Revolution 4.0 approach. One form of the government revolution is the District Integrated Administration Service (DIAS) in Cibitung District of Bekasi Regency. However, not all DIAS has made fundamental changes with the Government Revolution 4.0 approach. This research aimed to find out and analyze the government revolution in DIAS in Cibitung District, Bekasi Regency. The study used a mixed-method between quantitative and qualitative methods. The data collection used is closed questionnaires and open questionnaires with a total sample of 49 respondents. The data analysis used is Structure Equation Model (SEM) of Lisrel and Microsoft Excel. The research found that the District Integrated Administration Service in the Government Revolution 4.0 has an average value of 6.80 for positive factors and 5.20 for negative factors. The results are due to weaknesses, namely recurring problems, system failures, complaints, and delays in service. Moreover, the government revolution had a positive impact of 74.83% and a negative impact of 25.17%, hence categorized as “good”. The study concludes that the District Integrated Administration Service acquire the category of “not yet star service”, thus requires a solution for weakness factors.]]>
<![CDATA[Linking State-Owned Enterprises And Energy Diplomacy ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Rum]]>;
<![CDATA[Bangkit Aditya Wiryawan]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL Volume 18, Issue 2, Year 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jis.18.2.2019.164-180
<![CDATA[Natural resources endowment has always been a critical factor in supporting a country’s development, particularly in its early stage, where firm productivity in industry and service sectors are still low. Such is the case with Indonesia, one of the largest oil-producing countries in the East Asia region, where the oil boom period in the 1970s has been able to fund many development projects. Although oil resources have been waning over the last decade, the country is still among the largest producers in the Southeast Asian region, with an also growing demand for the burgeoning industry. The problems are doubled by a high demand for energy from Indonesia’s domestic market which has worsened trade deficit in recent years. State-owned enterprises have been mandated by the government to perform better in securing energy deals. Hence, this study aims to survey on what kind of role state-owned enterprises can partake in to strengthen Indonesia’s energy diplomacy. The scope of study encompasses energy policies of selected countries since the Oil Shock until recent developments today. This work is utilizing a comparative study of examples from other influential oil-seeking countries such as Japan and China, recent improvement in some developing countries that includes renewable energy sector. We also evaluate ‘petrodollar’ diplomatic strategies such as Venezuela and Saudi Arabia. It is argued that state-owned enterprises should actively engage in promoting development in targeted countries and maintaining bilateral ties. Furthermore, this article proposes an approach of what could be done by scholars to help in formulating Indonesia’s energy diplomacy. The conclusion of this study indicates strong correlations between energy security, international diplomacy, and development assistance. Balancing those nexuses will help Indonesia in exercising its free and active diplomatic stance in resolving various international issues. The promotion of norms and values can serve a potential role in boosting Indonesia’s energy diplomacy.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategic Planning on Smart Mobility Development ]]>
<![CDATA[Kristina Setyowati]]>;
<![CDATA[Retno Suryawati]]>;
<![CDATA[Herwan Parwiyanto]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL Volume 19, Issue 2, Year 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jis.19.2.2020.180-206
<![CDATA[The increase in population and in vehicles has generated a challenge in urban transportation. Simultaneously, Intelligent Transport System (ITS) technology development has provided urban areas with an opportunity to address transportation challenges. Therefore, a concept of smart mobility is developed, which is derived from smart city concept using ITS development. The objective of research is to organize a Strategic Planning of Smart Mobility. This research used the qualitative descriptive approach. Its data were collected from the city of Surakarta as an implementer of Smart Mobility through in-depth interviewing and content analysis. Data analysis in the first stage was carried out by using the SWOT analysis method to determine strategic issues. The second stage of analysis was aimed to evaluate the strategy by using the litmus test. The results of this research based on the two stages show that strategic plan could be observed from the development of Smart Mobility in Surakarta City and several strategies could be offered and formulated as follows: 1) strategy of developing and improving cooperation with stakeholders; 2) strategy of improving and intensifying the application of e-Gov through ITS application and development; 3) strategy of reinforcing inter-mode integration; and 4) strategy of developing the synchronization of public policy to restrict the number of private vehicles. ]]>
<![CDATA[Celebrities in the Recruitment of Candidates for Legislative Members of the Indonesian Parliament in the Legislative Elections ]]>
<![CDATA[M. Dwi Sugiarto]]>;
<![CDATA[Yuwanto Yuwanto]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL Volume 19, Issue 2, Year 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jis.19.2.2020.117-136
<![CDATA[The 2019 Legislative Election featured many celebrities involved in the contestation, where a total of 11 of the 16 political parties had legislative candidates from the celebrity circles. Democratic National Party (NasDem) became the party that nominated most celebrities as legislative candidates. Armed with the popularity that has made celebrities attract political parties to nominate them to increase the vote acquisition and even the number of seats. The process of recruiting legislative candidates from celebrities by the NasDem Party is the focus of this research on how the approach and process are carried out. The study uses qualitative analysis with a descriptive approach to describe the process that occurs through interviews and review of documents and news as a source of data. The results obtained indicate that the NasDem Party’s legislative candidate was recruited using an approach that involved the NasDem Party elite and fellow celebrities as intermediaries. Factors driving celebrities to become the NasDem Party’s legislative candidates are moral support (debriefing, fostering, and active interaction with party elites) and material (Campaign Props, campaign costs, financial reimbursement), Indonesian Restoration slogans, and anti-dowry politics, as well as egalitarian politics attitudes. Celebrity-related research in politics has focused a lot on the role of transformation from entertainment to politics. In contrast, this research has focused on recruiting celebrities as legislative candidates by the NasDem Party. ]]>
<![CDATA[Democracy In Slovenia: Slovenia’s Entry Into The European Union After The Disintegration Of Yugoslavia ]]>
<![CDATA[Putti Ananda Hiswi]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL Volume 19, Issue 1, Year 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jis.1.1.2020.92-116
<![CDATA[After the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Slovenia made changes in its ideology and political system to become part of the European Union. However, as a newly independent country, Slovenia faces an unfinished successional political transition. Undertaking a democratic system shift will cause Slovenia to face several challenges: accepting and implementing new democratic laws, introducing a liberal economy with free initiative, and achieving national sovereignty as an independent country. Apart from being a newly independent country, Slovenia also has a history of war with Italy when it was under Yugoslavia during the Second World War. These conditions make Slovenia’s entry into the European Union problematic. This article aims to understand Slovenia’s policy transition process after the disintegration of Yugoslavia and its consideration to join the European Union. This article uses qualitative methods with data and literatures collection from various official documents, books, journals, and online news which discuss integration process and democracy implementation in Slovenia related to its integration to European Union. This article concludes that Slovenia’s decision to join the European Union - despite its position as a newly independent country and the history of war with Italy - was due to the belief that a common liberal democratic system could help open relations with fellow democracies. The similarity of this system can be seen from the application of the three pillars of liberal democracy in democratic peace theory. The theory postulates that when the three pillars are applied, liberal countries will not go to war with each other]]>
<![CDATA[The Digital Turn in Geopolitics: Gojek’s Strategy of Digital Space and Its Geopolitical Implications ]]>
<![CDATA[Ajie Mahar Muhammad]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL Volume 19, Issue 1, Year 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jis.1.1.2020.40-57
<![CDATA[Digital transformation has revolutionized all aspects of life due to its connectivity cap bility. However, the discipline of contemporary Geopolitics has not discussed it in-depth, and is still pinned towards the modern geopolitics discourse focusing merely on regional geopolitical contestations. This article aims to enrich the intellectual discourse on postmodern geopolitics embracing the digital turn in geopolitics. Focusing on non-state actors, this study scrutinizes Gojek, an Indonesian decacorn startup company, by asking how Gojek’s strategization of their digital spaces results in geopolitical implications. Epistemologically, this article utilizes Foucaultian governmentality and the concept of power-knowledge to understand geopolitical power of Gojek and explain how they construct their information power. This study finds that Gojek constructs their power through building digital spaces which connects the customers with Gojek’s partners. The empire of connectivity which Gojek has established does not merely give them power in the digital realm but also in real politics. There exist some geopolitical implications because of Gojek’s strategizing of digital space such as (i) the emergent information power of digital connectivity; (ii) the use of information-based startup as means of Indonesia’s diplomacy; (iii) the emergent power of the person who designs and leads the construction of digital spaces. Further research with a different sample is required to enrich the discourse on digital turn in geopolitics since this research only scrutinizes a case in one of the developing countries. ]]>
<![CDATA[Japan’s Balanced Strategy to Face China’s Threat in South China Sea Dispute ]]>
<![CDATA[Darmawan, Arief Bakhtiar]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL Volume 19, Issue 2, Year 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jis.19.2.2020.137-159
<![CDATA[This paper aims to analyze Japan’s foreign policy related to the dispute in the South China Sea (SCS). Even though Japan has no sovereignty claims, it has considerable interests in the SCS region. Japan, which is poor in natural resources, depends on energy imports, most of which are shipped through SCS. As an advanced industrial state, Japan must continue to meet domestic energy demand. However, the SCS area has a potential conflict due to Chinese assertive behavior as the main factor that could threaten Japanese interests. The author use qualitative method with relevant literature studies and official government documentation to conduct a descriptive analysis of the research findings. The results of the study indicate that Japan is implementing a balanced strategy to deal with the potential threat of China. Balancing against threats is conducted in internal ways, e.g. internal reinforcement, and external ways, e.g. forming and strengthening cooperation with other countries outside the United States (US). Since Japan's limitations in military aspect hindered their internal reinforcement, this study emphasizes Japan's external balance strategy. The increasingly dubious US commitment in the Asia Pacific has made Japan strengthen defense cooperation with Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam. The three countries have interest in SCS and provide access that conforms to Japanese interests. ]]>
<![CDATA[Village Community Readiness In Estabilishing A Global Village ]]>
<![CDATA[Eny Boedi Orbawati]]>;
<![CDATA[Sujatmiko Sujatmiko]]>;
<![CDATA[Fadlurrahman Fadlurrahman]]>;
<![CDATA[Nike Mutiara Fauziah]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL Volume 19, Issue 1, Year 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jis.1.1.2020.58-91
<![CDATA[Global village is a phenomenon that occurs due to advances in information technology where there are no physical boundaries between individuals, communities, and countries. The world is connected through information technology and shares a variety of things. Apart from being a potential threat, the global village phenomenon also provides opportunities for introducing the Indonesian tourism sector to the global community. One of the villages that have the potential to exploit the global village phenomenon, especially in the tourism sector, is Ngargogondo Village, Borobudur Subdistrict, Magelang Regency, Central Java because it has the potential as a language tourism village. This study aims to measure community readiness in realizing a global village in the tourism sector with an analysis of community readiness dimensions in tourism and the global village aspect. This study used a survey approach with 157 respondents who were obtained using cluster random sampling technique. Meanwhile, the indicators used are adopted from the Tri-Ethnic for Prevention Research, with 19 indicators as research instruments. The results showed that the Ngargogondo Village community’s readiness was at the preparation stage (tourism aspect) and pre-planning (global village aspect). This study suggests that to increase community readiness in realizing the global village tourism sector, the Ngargogondo Village government must increase the availability of resources, especially in the tourism aspect, and create a positive climate in the community in response to the development of information technology in Ngargogondo Village.]]>
<![CDATA[The “Migration” of Terrorist Actors in Indonesia: From Male-Dominated Terrorist to the Emergence of Female Terrorist Migrant Domestic Workers ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Subhan]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL Volume 19, Issue 2, Year 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jis.19.2.2020.207-225
<![CDATA[The ISIS group’s declaration in 2014, has inspired female extremists from various countries to join the terrorist group. At the end of 2016, two women were arrested by the Indonesian police for planning terror attacks in two different places. Both are former migrant domestic workers who returned from Hong Kong. This article investigates why women join terrorist groups, why male-dominated terrorist groups recruit women and what makes female migrant domestic workers who return to Indonesia as extremists willing to make a significant contribution to the terrorism movement in Indonesia. This research’s data collection technique is qualitative data collection, and document-based research through literature studies. This article utilizes Quintan Wiktorowicz’s three radicalisation concept phases: cognitive opening, religious seeking and socialisation. This study found that at least four reasons women become extremists, namely personal complaints, influence from family, relatives or lovers, ideological perceptions, and media use, facilitate the radicalisation process. Furthermore, strategic interests seem to be the answer to why terror groups involve women to achieve their goals. The acceptance of terrorist groups to involve women can be the reason why women migrant domestic workers are willing to make an immense contribution to terrorist groups. Their enthusiasm, financial capacity and international experience are expected to strengthen the terror movement in Indonesia. Both create a “mutually reinforcing” relationship that benefits both parties. Further research is needed with a sample of ordinary female extremists outside migrant domestic workers as a comparison to examine women’s motivations and group decisions to include these women in terrorist activities. ]]>
<![CDATA[Radicalism VS Extremism: The Dilemma of Islam And Politics In Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Adnan, Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Amaliyah, Anita]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL Volume 20, Issue 1, Year 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jis.1.1.2021.24-48
<![CDATA[Despite its adherence to the principles of democracy, Indonesia is currently trapped in conditions and situations over the emergence of a new government system based on Islam. The notion of extremism dominates society, both the general public and the political elite, and has even infiltrated the youth via the education system. Community mobilization movements in the name of religion in the political sphere indicate that extremism has spread and is gaining strength. The main focus of this research is to make a clearer distinction between radicalism and extremism from both a political and religious perspective. To answer this problem, this paper clarifies the meaning of the terms “extreme” and “radical” in the context of religious politics from the point of view of democracy and distinguishes the signs for the two dimensions of extremism and radicalism. Not only that, in this study there are also explanations related to religious phenomena which basically have an indirect relationship with politics and extremism. This study approach uses a qualitative method taken from the study of Borum and Schmid. It argues that the difference between extremism and radicalism rests on the existence of an ideology. Radicalism is a form of process in which there is agreement or disagreement on violence in tactical and temporal considerations, while the concept of extremism is considered a motive. ]]>
