Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) is a peer-reviewed, biannual journal dedicated to publishing high-quality, interdisciplinary research on Indonesia’s social, economic, political, and cultural dimensions. Now operating under the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), JISSH serves as a platform for scholars, researchers, and practitioners to engage with critical issues both within Indonesia and in broader international contexts. The journal encourages innovative theoretical and empirical work that bridges academic disciplines and contributes to global scholarly conversations. JISSH invites submissions for its biannual issues, published in June and December. As a peer-reviewed journal, it fosters vibrant academic discourse among researchers, educators, graduate students, activists, professionals, and policymakers. We welcome original research articles, research notes, and reviews that explore a wide range of topics related to Indonesia’s society, culture, politics, and international studies. JISSH particularly seeks manuscripts with rigorous analysis—whether theoretical, methodological, or empirical—that contribute to cutting-edge discussions in the social sciences and humanities. Focus and Scope The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) provides a peer-reviewed platform and an authoritative source of information for the exchange of ideas and research among scholars in the social sciences and humanities who are interested in Indonesian Studies and/or Global and Area Studies from a Global South perspective. JISSH seeks to publish high-quality research papers, review articles, and book reviews that contribute to knowledge through the application and development of theory, exploration of new data, and/or rigorous analysis of relevant policy issues. The scope of JISSH includes the following areas: Social Sciences: Anthropology, Asian Studies, Communication, Demography, Development Studies, Gender Studies, Government and Public Policy, Human Ecology, International Relations, Media Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Political Science, Science, Technology and Society, Sociology. Humanities: Cultural Studies, Education, History, Human Geography, Linguistics, Philosophy, Religion.
Articles
138 Documents
<![CDATA[The Role of Economic Infrastructure in Regional Development: Strategy to strengthen tourism economic zones’ supporting system ]]>
<![CDATA[Panky Tri Febiyansah]]>;
<![CDATA[Susanto, Hari]]>;
<![CDATA[Thoha, Mahmud]]>;
<![CDATA[Nadjib, Mochammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Firmansyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Adam, Latif]]>;
<![CDATA[Salim, Zamroni]]>;
<![CDATA[Cahyono, Bintang Dwitya]]>;
<![CDATA[Sabilla, Kanetasya]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 8 No. 1 (2018): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[Regional based development is an important issue to Indonesia as an archipelago country. One of the alternatives to this issue is tourism development, theoretically tourism-dependent economy expectedly has positive impact to the economy. Regional development based on tourism expectedly can be more progressive were it supported by tourism special economic zones. Therefore, the availability and appropriateness of the infrastructure must be examined. The aim of this research is to map tourism infrastructure condition in Indonesia, identify the obstacles of tourism infrastructure development, and analyze supporting infrastructure for inclusive and competitive tourism economic zones. The results show that there are still different definitions for tourism that affects the policy implementation. Moreover, there is still gap between infrastructure availability and needs in the tourism development, especially in tourism economic zones. Otherwise, community in the tourism economic zones surrounding areas has relatively strong social capital to support tourism. This condition should be the other supporting factors besides proper infrastructure and governance.]]>
<![CDATA[Adat and Religious Tolerance: Ethnophilosophy Perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Tambunan, Sihol Farida]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 8 No. 2 (2018): Democracy, Identity, Religion in Contemporary Southeast Asia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[As a country with the largest Muslim’s population in the world, Indonesia has an overwhelming number of communities with different religions, such as Protestant, Catholic, Buddhist, Hindu, Confucianism and other local religions from ancestors that influence various Indonesian people’s beliefs. This situation can raise the tendency of conflicts between the majority groups of certain religions and other minority religions in Indonesia. This paper aims to explore the conditions of ethnic communities in Alor District, East Nusa Tenggara Province, who live harmoniously among different religions such as Muslims and Christians. Alor District has obtained a trophy of ‘Harmony Award’ 2017 from the Ministry of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia. This paper uses an ethnophilosophy perspective to find out why Alor custom or ‘adat’ can establish harmony among the diverse religious communities. Their custom or ‘adat’ as a relic of Indonesian’s ancestors can play a role in avoiding the recent inter-religious conflicts that have recently sprouted in urban areas. Alor’s custom (adat) is one of the identity traits that had survived from the time of the ancestors of Alor people who had their local religion and before Islam and Christian became the major religions of Alor Society.]]>
<![CDATA[Politicization of Identity in Local Election As A Soft Security Threat: A Case of 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election ]]>
<![CDATA[Kristimanta, Putri Ariza]]>;
<![CDATA[Sweinstani, Mouliza K.D]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 8 No. 2 (2018): Democracy, Identity, Religion in Contemporary Southeast Asia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[The background of this study is the DKI Jakarta 2017 local election, which was followed by a series of demonstration and identity politicization against the prospective candidate from minority groups. A similar pattern had been applied in 2018 local election and 2019 national election where SARA (shortened from Suku, Agama, Ras, dan Antar golongan or ethnicity, religion, race, and intergroup relations) is used to mobilize voters through black and negative campaigns. This study aims to explore how the politicization of identity in the DKI Jakarta Gubernatorial Election 2017 can be a soft security threat to human and societal security. By conducting literature studies to related documents, the authors conclude that what happened in DKI Jakarta is categorized as politicized collective identity. The results of the study describe that politicization of identity could cause three effects that can threaten security, namely (1) increasing negative sentiment towards minority groups; (2) increasing the number of cases of persecution and discrimination in the name of religion or ethnicity; and (3) causing community polarization on social media. The study recommends to the government to strengthen national identity, which involves all components of the state and society so that the issue of identity will not be shifted for negative connotation of short-term electoral agenda.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s Constitutional Immigration Policy: The Case of Rohingya Ethnic Group Refugees ]]>
<![CDATA[Utami, Dian Wahyu]]>;
<![CDATA[Saleh, Rahmat]]>;
<![CDATA[Oktafiani, Irin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 8 No. 2 (2018): Democracy, Identity, Religion in Contemporary Southeast Asia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[In this increasingly dynamic world, international migration especially international refugee and asylum seeker has become a hot issue in many countries, including Indonesia. For example, a communal conflict between Rakhine and Rohingya ethnic groups in Myanmar in 2012 calls the attention of the international community, especially in Southeast Asia regions. The socio-political situation forced the ethnic minority Rohingya to leave Myanmar to move (migrate) or seek asylum to the neighbouring countries, such as Indonesia. In Indonesia, Rohingya refugees are mostly surviving in the boats “Manusia Perahu” camp in Aceh since 2015. The influx of refugees such as Rohingya into Indonesia constitutes a new problem in constitutional and social terms. This paper aims to explain Indonesia’s constitutional immigration policy and the public responses to asylum seekers taken from the case of Rohingya ethnic group in Indonesia. This study uses the literature review methods to explain the social problems and application of Indonesian regulations towards Rohingya refugees in the boats “Manusia Perahu” camp in Aceh. This study finds that a more explicit regulation is needed to regulate the entry of refugees, so that the locals will not be disturbed and still create security between countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Negotiating the Space for Peace: Interreligious Tolerance and Harmony in Practice ]]>
<![CDATA[Rohman, Muhammad Saifullah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 8 No. 2 (2018): Democracy, Identity, Religion in Contemporary Southeast Asia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[Nowadays, Indonesia well known as tolerance country has been facing a severe problem with the practice of intolerance act and radicalism. Recently, we were shocked by some news about a young man attacking St. Lidwina Bedog church, Yogyakarta, and the suicide bombing at three churches in Surabaya. Several innocent civilians became the victim from these actions. Besides, we can note that there was another intolerant act regarding the building of a house of worship and conflict among religious believers in some district in Indonesia. These situations indicated that actors who attempted to destroy Indonesia’s unity through harmful narratives of Indonesian diversity and threaten Indonesian tolerance are ranging from ethnicity, language, to religion. This article proposes a counter-narrative for Indonesian harmony by identifying the places of house of worship and spaces of religious tolerance activities. Since the establishments of the house of worship in several places have led to a disharmony and intolerance act, this article found another story of tolerance based on a house of worship location and space of tolerance activity. Field research was conducted in Balun Village, Lamongan, where three houses of worship built neighboring in the village. These neighboring houses of worship and religious activities around support the idea called “negotiating the space of peace.” The data collection methods included participant observation and interview. The findings show that religious diversity of Indonesian citizens is based on unity and peace. The neighboring houses of worships (Mosque, Church, Pura/ Hinduism temple, etc.) in Lamongan, show that the tolerance among different religious believers has been there as long as Indonesian history. It is not only the negotiation in terms of physical space where the house of worship built but also non-physical space among religions and their believers, which build and strengthen the peace among them. Therefore, the peace situation and condition become the central point regardless of their background (ethnicity, religions, and language).]]>
<![CDATA[The (Trans)Formation of Religious Capital in Indonesian Politics During New Order Era: A Case Study of Nahdlatul Ulama ]]>
<![CDATA[Damm, Muhammad R.]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 8 No. 2 (2018): Democracy, Identity, Religion in Contemporary Southeast Asia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[Religious capital always has a crucial role in Indonesian politics. This paper aims to analyze the formation of religious capital in the New Order era that has been heavily influenced by the dynamics of the relationship between the state and religious groups, especially Islam, over time. As a case study, this paper will discuss Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). By analyzing the development of NU during the course of the New Order, it shows that the formation of religious capital was affected by the New Order’s systematic attempts to contain Islamic forces. Since the late 1960s until the midst of 1980s, the New Order orchestrated a systematic weakening of Islamic movement through destabilization and demonization of the Muslim community. It also attempted systematically to reduce the political power of Islamic elements by sanctioning several policies and regulations, especially simplification of the political party system in 1973 and the enforcement of Pancasila as the sole principle for socio-political life in 1985. In 1984 NU declared its resolution to return to its original status as religious-based social organization, adopted Pancasila as its principle, and formally retreated from politics. However, in the late 1980s and during 1990s, although institutionally experienced de-politicization, NU proved to remain significant in the political landscape. From this analysis, it is apparent that NU’s religious capital comprised of some ingredients: the centrality of ulama, the importance of securing NU community’s interests, and the necessity of resources obtained through a good relationship with the state.]]>
<![CDATA[Employment Opportunities and Human Resources Development in Digital Era: A Case Study in Industrial Sector ]]>
<![CDATA[Asiati, Devi]]>;
<![CDATA[Gutomo Bayu Aji]]>;
<![CDATA[Ningrum, Vanda]]>;
<![CDATA[Ngadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Triyono]]>;
<![CDATA[Kurniawan, Fuat Edi]]>;
<![CDATA[Aruan, Norman Luther]]>;
<![CDATA[Purba, Yanti Astrelina]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 8 No. 2 (2018): Democracy, Identity, Religion in Contemporary Southeast Asia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[Transformation of digitalization in large industries has an impact on the automation of production equipment, including the replacement of production machines from conventional machines (manual) to digital machines. Meanwhile, automation of production equipment requires workers with higher skills, in fact the existing workforce does not have expertise in carrying out all-digital equipment. The impact is a reduction in labor (layoffs). Machine replacement is done in stages so that the reduction of workforce (PHK) in bulk is not visible. However, the inconsistency between the preparation in the world of education and the needs in the world of work continues to occur today. Until now, vocational development based on local resources has not been operating optimally and needs serious attention from the local government. The government on various occasions mentioned four leading sectors that will be strengthened in the development of vocational institutions, namely maritime, tourism, agriculture (food security), and the creative industry. In addition, the government is also developing a policy scheme for Skill Development Funds (SDF), which is a skills improvement program for workers affected by automation (PHK), including through Vocational Training Center (BLK).]]>
<![CDATA[The Involvement Of Indonesian Civil Society Organizations In The Policy-Making Process Of Migrant Workers Protection In ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Septiyana, Iyan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 9 No. 1 (2019): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[More than 20 millions of ASEAN citizens work overseas as migrant workers. The contribution of migrant workers to economic development for both the destination and the origin countries are respectable. However, for some decades the policy of migrant worker protection was absent since none of ASEAN member states discusses the issue in the regional level. In fact, from the beginning of the migration process, the migrant workers often become victims of human rights violation and workers’ rights violation for instance physical abuse, exploitation, harassment, and discrimination. In 2007 and 2017 ASEAN eventually agreed on migrant workers protection policies. While ASEAN is well-known as a state-centric regional organization, the policy-making process has involved some CSOs. The limited participation space in ASEAN does not hinder the CSOs to bring up the issues in the regional public sphere and to involve in the policy-making process by influencing ASEAN member states through three available spaces for non-state actors. This paper focuses on the involvement of Indonesian CSOs as in the policy-making process on migrant worker protection at the regional level.]]>
