Journal of International Relations Diponegoro
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro publishes articles on contemporary transnational crimes from a variety of methodologies and approaches. The journal was originally established to encourage scholarly publications by students from International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro. JIRUD will be pubished twice a year May and November. Journal of International Relations Diponegoro seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field. Journal of International Relations Diponegoro publishes research, development and review articles in social and political fields with the following scope: 1. Transnational Crime 2. International Crime 3. Security Studies 4. Globalization & Transnationalism 5. Humanitarianism 6. Foreign Policy 7. International Politics
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500 Documents
<![CDATA[Peran dan Fungsi Dog Meat Free Indonesia (DMFI) dalam Menangani Kasus Perdagangan Daging Anjing di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Herzalia Maya]]>;
<![CDATA[Shary Charlotte Henriette Pattipeilohy]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v6i4.28804
<![CDATA[Indonesia has become an international spotlight due to the massive and brutal trade and consumption of dog meat in several regions in Indonesia. Therefore, Indonesian government chose to cooperate with Dog Meat Free Indonesia (DMFI) coalition which was formed of some international animal protection organizations, which are: Humane Society International, Animals Asia, and the Change for Animal Foundation. This study seeks to analyze roles and functions of DMFI and the objectives of Indonesian government in its cooperation with DMFI. Theories used in this research is theory of role and function of international organizations and the theory of neoliberal institutionalism. The role of DMFI as an international organization is as an actor, and its functions are articulation and aggregation, rule-making, information, and operation. This study, if analyzed using the theory of neoliberal institutionalism, found that Indonesia's goal of collaborating with DMFI was to get maximum results to solve the problem of the dog meat trade. In addition, DMFI can provide information to Indonesia regarding the behavior of other countries in the issue of the dog meat trade]]>
<![CDATA[Kerjasama BNPT dan Terrorism Prevention Branch (TPB) UNODC dalam Implementasi The Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights Pemerintah India dalam Melegitimasi Produksi ARV Generik Global ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Muslim]]>;
<![CDATA[Hermini Susiatiningsih]]>;
<![CDATA[Nadia Farabi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 4, Nomor 2, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v4i2.20338
<![CDATA[This research aims to explain the efforts of the Government of India in implementingTRIPS so as to produce generic ARV drugs under the TRIPS regime. The idea ofregulating patent protection on the health aspects of TRIPS has fueled cynical responsesfrom developing countries that view TRIPS as a form of knowledge commodification andfeudalization of information. This research is based on concerns about developingcountries access to Antiretroviral (ARV) due to price increases as a consequence of TRIPS.In response to this problem, India as the world's largest generic ARV producer has becomethe most massive state opposing patent regulation on health aspects. This research seesIndia's efforts in implementing TRIPS in order to achieve its interests through the patternof health diplomacy with the principle that health is the aspect that is interpreted ascommon goods. Periodically, India is advocating the importance of generic ARVaccessibility that is used as an antidote to the HIV / AIDS epidemic in developingcountries. Using the Critical Theory approach, India is able to encourage emancipation andsucceed in protecting the interests of developing countries with serious problems in theHIV / AIDS epidemic.]]>
<![CDATA[MODUS PERDAGANGAN MANUSIA MELALUI PENYALAHGUNAAN VISA UMROH DALAM IMPLEMENTASI KEBIJAKAN MORATORIUM PEKERJA MIGRAN INDONESIA INFORMAL KE ARAB SAUDI TAHUN 2015 – 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhamad Ahsanul Habib Habib]]>;
<![CDATA[Reni Windiani]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 2, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i2.23723
<![CDATA[For the last 10 years, Saudi Arabia still the third most popular country as a destination for informal Indonesian Migrant Workers candidates. After many reports of violence cases, problems, and threat of death penalty that faced by the migrant workers. The government through the Ministry of Manpower responded the cases through a moratorium policy on the sending and placing of informal Indonesian Migrant Workers in 2011, 2014, and 2015. This study will explain the implementation of moratorium policy implementation as the application of human security values, actually open opportunities for human trafficking through the misuses of umrah visas. This study use qualitative method and the concept of human security to explain how the moratorium policy as a form of Indonesian government’s protection to informal Indonesian Migrant Workers, became a threat for them and Indonesian’s people. The result of this study, shows the application of human security through moratorium policy is only in theoretical studies, but weak in implementations. This study will prove the inconsistency between the consideration and decisions points as a weakness and gaps in the body of the moratorium policy. Then, those weakness will lead to human trafficking cases through the misuses of umrah visas]]>
<![CDATA[27. PELANGGARAN PRINSIP NON-REFOULEMENT TERHADAP PENGUNGSI DAN PENCARI SUAKA PADA KEBIJAKAN OPERATION SOVEREIGN BORDERS SERTA IMPLIKASINYA BAGI INDONESIA SEBAGAI NEGARA TRANSIT ]]>
<![CDATA[Danang Fery Anggriawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>;
<![CDATA[Shary Charlotte Pattipelohy]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 2, Nomor 4, Tahun 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v2i4.13641
<![CDATA[The arrival of boat people from Vietnam, Sri Lanka, and the Middle East to Australia sincethe 1970s marked the beginning of an irregular arrival in that country. Irregular arrival toAustralia in fact has an important influence for political and economic condition. In aneffort to respond these issues, the Australian government under the leadership of PrimeMinister Tony Abbott issued a policy named Operation Sovereign Borders (OSB). Themain key of the policy will be carried out by intercepting the entire Irregular MaritimeArrival (IMA) and combating the practice of people smuggling. The purpose of thisresearch is to describe the implementation of the principle of non-refoulement in theOSB’s policies that run during the reign of PM Abbott. This research showed thatAustralia had violated the principle of non-refoulement in the implementation of the policy.Australia is also suspected of committing violations of human rights of refugees andasylum seekers. While other impacts arising from the implementation of OSB’s policies isthe emergence of political tensions between Australia and Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Efektivitas Hukum Humaniter Internasional dalam Kekerasan Seksual Pada Perang Bosnia Herzegovina ]]>
<![CDATA[Raden Maulana Hutomo]]>;
<![CDATA[Marten Hanura]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 7, Nomor 4, Tahun 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v7i4.32118
<![CDATA[Every country has the right to use its military power, however, there are rules in conducting wars for humanitarian reasons. As a result of the war that occurred, there was often sexual violence against women. This happened in the Bosnia-Herzegovina War. However, there are rules that regulate how to go to war by prioritizing humanitarian reasons, which are contained in International Humanitarian Law which is contained in the 1949 Geneva Conventions. Sexual violence that occurs in war is very clear if it violates International Humanitarian Law. Therefore, the author in this study aims to see the effectiveness of existing International Humanitarian Law in reducing acts of sexual violence in war. The author uses the concept of regime effectiveness, which has several indicators in assessing whether the existing regime can be said to be effective or not. The results of this study indicate that actors who are at war have not carried out the right way of fighting even though they have made efforts to reduce sexual violence. Therefore, the impact that exists due to the absence of changes in the behavior of the actors is the high mortality rate and the number of sexual violence that exists.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Jepang dalam Mengantisipasi Klaim Air Defense Indentification Zone (ADIZ) oleh Tiongkok ]]>
<![CDATA[Inggrid Gabriela]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 4, Nomor 3, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v4i3.21072
<![CDATA[Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) is an air transportation identification system thatapplied by a country to protect their zone. China ratified ADIZ in November 2013 as oneform of defense and security of the country. China ADIZ became an issue because theidentification zone claimed by China covers some of the surrounding country’s area. Oneof the area is Senkaku Island which under the administration of Japan. This research aimsto know what policies are made by Japan in anticipation of ADIZ claims by China. Thisresearch uses political realism theory in understanding the reason of Japan’s policiesregarding ADIZ. The results showed that the policy is a form of the realization of itsnational interest, where Japan are strengthening their own defense and security.]]>
<![CDATA[GASTRODIPLOMASI: STRATEGI INDONESIA DALAM MEMBANGUN NATION BRANDING DI KANCAH INTERNASIONAL ]]>
<![CDATA[Ashabil Firdaus Al Ghafiqi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 9, Nomor 2, Tahun 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v9i2.38440
<![CDATA[Hal yang melatar belakangi penelitian ini adalah keadaan dunia internasional yang semakin kompleks telah menyebabkan perlu adanya improvisasi dalam berdiplomasi antar negara. Salah satu cara yang dewasa ini dapat dilakukan adalah gastrodiplomacy. Sebuah seni diplomasi yang memanfaatkan budaya kuliner negara untuk digunakan sebagai alat peningkatan citra negara (nation branding). Masalah yang muncul : Bagaimana strategi gastrodiplomasi Indonesia dalam membangun nation branding di kancah internasional? Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk memberikan pengetahuan mengenai potensi kuliner yang dapat dimanfaatkan oleh Negara Indonesia dalam rangka meningkatkan citra negara. Selain itu, untuk menganalisis pengaplikasian strategi nation branding yang dapat dilakukan Indonesia untuk meningkatkan citra negara dengan menggunakan konsep gastrodiplomasi. Upaya menjawab permasalahan dan tujuan penelitian dilakukan dengan menggunakan konsep gastrodiplomasi yang kemudian diperdalam dengan menggunakan konsep nation branding dan selanjutnya dianalisis menggunakan S.W.O.T. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan Negara Indonesia telah menjalankan berbagai strategi yang di dalamnya mengandung unsur-unsur dari dimensi nation branding. Gatrodiplomasi sendiri dilaksanakan karena dirasa menjadi strategi yang cocok untuk mengenalkan budaya Bangsa Indonesia ke seluruh dunia. Dalam keberjalanan gastrodiplomasi, Indonesia sudah melakukan berbagai strategi gastrodiplomasi di mana terdapat unsur-unsur nation branding yang terkandung di dalam keberjalanan strategi Indonesia. Disarankan adanya penelitian-penelitian lanjutan mengenai bagaimana strategi-strategi lain dalam meningkatkan nation branding suatu negara dan bagaimana pengaruh dari nation branding itu sendiri.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran World Wide Fund for Nature dalam Menangani Kejahatan Transnasional di Bidang Lingkungan: Kasus Perburuan dan Perdagangan Ilegal Orangutan Tahun 2014-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Teuku Haris Syahputra]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i4.25041
<![CDATA[Orangutan is an endangered species from Indonesia. Orangutans faced problems include poaching and illicit trade. On the islands of Sumatra and Kalimantan, two islands in which are orangutan natural habitats, conflicts between orangutans and humans continue to occur. Orangutans were hunted and traded illegally, which let it on the verge of extinction. To prevent this, various international non-governmental organizations (NGO) such as World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), are keen to take an action. This study analyzes the role of WWF in orangutan protection activities through the perspective of the World Bank in defining NGOs. The perspective explains that the role of NGOs is divided into two, namely the operational role and the advocacy role. WWF's operational role can be seen from projects such as the Wildlife Crime Initiative (WCI) and field programs such as direct supervision of orangutan habitat in various national parks on the islands of Sumatra and Kalimantan. Meanwhile, WWF's advocacy role is in the form of awareness raising activities targeting the government and the citizens. The result of this study, WWF's role in protecting orangutans increase in orangutan populations at the end of the study period.]]>
<![CDATA[3. Fenomena Penyelundupan Timah Indonesia ke Luar Negeri ]]>
<![CDATA[Hari Adi Akbar Wijayanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Hermini Susiatiningsih]]>;
<![CDATA[Fendy Eko Wahyudi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 3, Nomor 2, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v3i2.16609
<![CDATA[Tin smuggling is a main problem in the tin mining sector in Indonesia during 2009-2014 even though there are various regulations governing these tin mining activities. This research was conducted to determine the cause of the illegal practices in the tin mining still exist until nowadays. By using an explanatory research, this research aims to explain what happened, how the tin smuggling occurred, and the effects of the tin minning polices towards society. The logic of this research was formed by the analysis from two perspectives which are interrelated: the theory of economic crimes with the neoclassical approach and compliance theory. From these perspectives, the authors found the weaknesses of the policies, such as; influences of the actor’s rationality, ambiguity and temporal limitations of the policies, and the counterproductive impact of the policies on socio-economic conditions of the society that ultimately affect the rampant practice of illegal mining and tin smuggling during 2009-2014 in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Luar Negeri Turki: Kesepakatan Turki kepada Rusia dalam Mendirikan Pusat Gabungan Turki-Rusia Pasca Konflik Nagorno- Karabakh ]]>
<![CDATA[Falentinoris Yubilio Wiku]]>;
<![CDATA[Ika Riswanti Putranti]]>;
<![CDATA[Marten Hanura]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i3.34353
<![CDATA[The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which has become a legacy of the Soviet Union, broke out again on September 27, 2020. This conflict involved Armenia and Azerbaijan, and attracted the attention of international actors, such as Turkey and Russia. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict lasted for more than six weeks which culminated in a ceasefire agreement signed by Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia on November 9, 2020. In order to oversee the implementation of this ceasefire agreement, Turkey signed an agreement with Russia to establish a Joint Turkey-Russia Center in November 10, 2020. The purpose of this study is to reveal why Turkey made an agreement with Russia to establish a Joint Turkey-Russia Center in Azerbaijan after the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict (2020). The method used in this research is an explanatory-qualitative approach. This study uses Walter Carlsnaes' Foreign Policy Theory as a theoretical framework. The findings of this study reveal that Turkey made an agreement with Russia in establishing the Turkey-Russia Joint Center because of Turkey's dependence on Russia and the ineffectiveness of co-chairs OSCE Minsk Group , as well as the influence of Turkey's foreign policy doctrine which then prompted Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to take strategic role with Russia as well as intermediary for the peace process for Azerbaijan after the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.]]>
