Journal of International Relations Studies
Journal of International Relations seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field.
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609 Documents
<![CDATA[KEPATUHAN INDONESIA PADA AGREEMENT ON TRADE RELATED ASPECTS OF INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS STUDI KASUS: PEMALSUAN PRODUK FASHION TAHUN 2010-2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Mayliya, Vita Fulla]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 2, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The detrimental effect of counterfeiting was the main factor of the WTO-TRIPs Agreement establishment. TRIPs Agreement has been regarded as the international intellectual property rights (IPRs) regime which its important role is providing minimum standards of the intellectual property rights protection and enforcement. Fashion counterfeiting has been one of the phenomena that infringes most of IPRs, particularly on trademarks. It requires global consciousness due to its undetected nature and negative impacts, especially for Indonesia. Indonesia is one of the largest producers in fashion industry. Ironically, it has experienced major counterfeiting problems in its respective regions. Indonesia itself is considered to have potential contribution to the counterfeit fashion trade. However, Indonesia is committed to comply with TRIPs’ regulations due to the single undertakings principle that was agreed upon joining WTO’s membership. This research aims to explain and analyze the influence of TRIPs Agreement on Indonesian compliance in addressing fashion product counterfeiting in 2010-2015. The qualitative method with Rationalist-Functionalism approaches are being used to answer the research question. The result of the analysis is TRIPs Agreement has influenced Indonesian compliance in addressing fashion product counterfeiting in 2010-2015 by: (1) taking into account the relevance and realization of TRIPs Agreement function as international IPRs regime towards counterfeiting issue; (2) affecting Indonesian perception on the importance to provide adequate trademarks protection and enforcement for its fashion industri; and (3) providing economic incentives in the form of reputation, market access, and investation.]]>
<![CDATA[11. ANALISIS PERILAKU KEJAHATAN TERORISME OSAMA BIN LADEN ]]>
<![CDATA[Sindi, Hanan Qisthina]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>;
<![CDATA[Puspapertiwi, Sheiffi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 2, Nomor 4, Tahun 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Al-Qaeda, with Osama Bin Laden as the leader, had been known for doing a lot ofterrorism acts global-wide. This research is carried out to study about the behavior ofOsama bin Laden’s terrorism acts and to explain the factors influencing such behavior andacts. To achieve that purpose, this research employs qualitative method using thePsychosicial Principles provided by Luis de la Corte et.all. as the analytical tool. The studyfound that Osama Bin Laden’s terrorism acts were influenced by at least 5 among 7 factorstabled by de La Corte. These factors are minority interest, interaction and socialenvironment, coorperation with other groups based on common interests, facilities forsupporting terrorism, and ideology accepted by the public.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Sikap Good Faith Non-Compliance Indonesia dalam Upaya Implementasi Konvensi Basel ]]>
<![CDATA[Anggita, Nehru]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 4, Nomor 3, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Indonesia is a country that is quite active in transboundary hazardous waste issues.Indonesian action is marked by being a participant in the Basel Convention and conductinga campaign to encourage the others country to ratify Ban Amandement. However, thecontinuation of Indonesian action especially in handling illegal transboundary movementof hazardous waste in 2009-2012 is unknown. This study presents an analysis of the actualconditions occurring in Indonesia in 2009-2012. The explanation of the conditionsoccurring in Indonesia is understood through the compliance theory, which fully looks atthe factors driving Indonesia to be willing to deal with the problem of waste movement,knowing the reasons for the absence of Indonesian report to the Secretariat of the BaselConvention, and the Indonesian behavioral category on this issue. There are severalfindings in this study. First, in fact the handling of illegal transboundary movement ofhazardous waste has been done well by Indonesia. Secondly, the absence of a report fromIndonesia to the Secretariat of the Basel Convention is due to the internal problems of theinstitution. Third, the condition of Indonesia in this matter can be categorized as good faithnon-compliance.]]>
<![CDATA[EFEKTIVITAS CODE OF CONDUCT FOR RESPONSIBLE FISHERIES DI SAMUDERA HINDIA STUDI KASUS: KERJASAMA INDONESIA DAN AUSTRALIA MENANGGULANGI ILLEGAL UNREGULATED UNREPORTED (IUU) FISHING ]]>
<![CDATA[Salfauz, Claudiya Radekna]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Tri Cahyo]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 1, Nomor 2, Tahun 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Illegal fishing has become an important issue because it threatens themaritime security. The activity of illegal unregulated unreported(IUU) fishing in the Indian Ocean not only does it jeopardize themaritime security of Indonesia and Australia, but also does it causefinancial deficit to the country, moreover, if the activity of IUU fishingkeeps increasing it will endanger the sustainability both fish andenvironment. The situation encourages member countries of Food andAgriculture Organization (FAO) in devising an applicable concept tomany countries in the world regarding organized, responsible, andsustainable fisheries management and development, namely Code ofConduct for Responsible Fisheries (CCRF) which was settled in 1995.The activity of IUU Fishing in the Indian Ocean initiates Indonesiaand Australia to conduct a fisheries cooperation agreement toprevent, deter and eliminate illegal fishing in the Indian Ocean.Indonesia and Australia adopt the CCRF into the fisheries treaty. Thisresearch aims to identify the efficacy of CCRF implementation in thefisheries cooperation agreement between Indonesia and AustraliaGovernment to cope with IUU fishing. The result of the researchshows that CCRF as a regime is able to work effectively to cope withIUU fishing in the Indian Ocean.]]>
<![CDATA[Doktrin Poros Maritim Dunia Era Jokowi dan Keamanan di Bidang Maritim Studi Kasus: Perdagangan Narkotika Jalur Laut Tahun 2014-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hakiki, Nur]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Tri Cahyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Immediately after being elected in 2014, President Joko Widodo put forward the desire to makeIndonesia's sea territory the main policy focus. This is implemented by issuing the doctrine ofthe "Global Maritime Axis". President Jokowi also launched a development agenda focusingon five pillars, one of which concerns maritime security. Narcotics trafficking through the seais one of the various threats to maritime security in Indonesia. This is also exacerbated by thestatus of Indonesia which is called a narcotics emergency. This research aims to analyze theimpact of the "Global Maritime Axis" doctrine on maritime security, as seen from thedevelopment of cases of trafficking in narcotics through the sea that occurred in 2014 to 2018.This research uses the concept of maritime security in understanding the policies of PresidentJokowi's government in dealing with narcotics trafficking by sea. This research analyzes theimpact of the global maritime axis doctrine on government policies, both internal andinternational cooperation. The results of this research indicate that the policies issued by thegovernment have a positive influence, but are still not optimal in dealing with the problem oftrafficking in narcotics through the sea that occurred in the period of 2014 to 2018. This isbecause there are limitations in terms of facilities and infrastructure, the lack of coordinationbetween the parties involved, and the cooperation that is carried out mostly is still at an earlystage and has not shown significant results.]]>
<![CDATA[9. Dilema Hak Asasi Manusia Di Asia Tenggara: Ketiadaan Peran Asean dalam Kasus Perekrutan Tentara Anak di Myanmar dalam Perspektif English School ]]>
<![CDATA[H, Alvian Rizky]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[ASEAN as a regional organization of Southeast Asia is considered absent and did notcontribute in the case of child soldiers’ recruitment in Myanmar. ASEAN, which hashuman rights commission such as the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on HumanRights (AICHR) and the ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of theRights of Women and Children (ACWC), has failed in promoting the protection of humanrights and child rights in the case of child soldiers in Myanmar. The absence of ASEAN iscontradictory to the actions taken by UN, Human Rights Watch (HRW), Child SoldierInternational (CSI) and neighboring countries in preventing and stopping the recruitmentof child soldiers in Myanmar. This research is aimed to analyze the reason behind suchsituation. Based on the view of pluralist international society, the absence of ASEAN inchild soldiers’ case in Myanmar is caused by two main reasons. First, non-interferenceprinciple which is upheld by ASEAN to respect the sovereignty of Myanmar. Second,inability to reach consensus within ASEAN, while consensus itself is decision makingprinciple in ASEAN aimed to avoid any action which may compromise the sovereignty ofother member states. On the other hand, the opposite responses given by UN, NGOs andneighboring country of Myanmar can be viewed by solidarist international society, whichargued that such actions are forms of protection of the values of individual freedom andhuman rights.]]>
<![CDATA[PELAKSANAAN PROGRAM DERADIKALISASI DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Ivana Kartika Dinansi, Clarissa Ivana]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 4, Nomor 3, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study aims to find out how the Government of Indonesia implements itsderadicalization programme, more specifically to know to what extent its implementationis. This study is based on concerns about the fate of deradicalization programme ascountries’ few options to combat the terrorism in a soft way. Whereas, the officialauthorized’s of the more-advanced-countries than Indonesia claim succedd on it, at the endthey fail to give any proof of their achievement. Whilst Indonesia, who is still new to joinalso claim succedd just like any other country else, it is later known in this study thatIndonesia still has not succeded in achieveing its goal in doing deradicalization. Instead,the study suggests that what is thought to be the success of deradicalization is actually thedisengagement of violence. The study’s suggestion itself is obtained after having doneintervies with various parties who are considered to be representative and have it analyzedwith process-tracing technique.]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIA DAN KERJA SAMA FOREST LAW ENFORCEMENT GOVERNANCE AND TRADE – VOLUNTARY PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT (FLEGT-VPA) DALAM MENANGANI PERDAGANGAN KAYU ILEGAL DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahanti, Sari Saptuning]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 2, Nomor 1, Tahun 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Illegal logging is an environmental issue that is becoming one of the majorfocus of the international agendas. Losses due to illegal logging not onlyaffects the environment sector but also in the economic, legal and social sector.As one of the largest wood exporting countries for the European Union,Indonesia holds an important role in addressing illegal logging in both theEuropean Union and in Indonesia itself. In addressing the issue, Indonesia andthe European Union establish a cooperation framework called the Forest LawEnforcement Governance and Trade - Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA).This study research seeks to analyze Indonesia’s background in it’sparticipation on FLEGT – VPA -that is pioneered by the European Union as- aframework in preventing cases of illegal logging in Indonesia, as one of themajor exporters of the European Union. This study reseach is usingqualitative-descriptive method. This study research also uses the theory ofinternational regimes of Snidal. The results of this study research proves thatthe collaboration regime of FLEGT-VPA had a positive impact on reducing thenumbers of illegal logging and increasing the export number from Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[11. Kebijakan Indonesia Belum Meratifikasi Statuta Roma 1998 ]]>
<![CDATA[Maruf, Wakhid Aprizal]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 2, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Post WW-II world eyewitnessed one of the darkest age of humanity. Numerous bloodbaths of innocents occurred as forms of tyranny legitimation. Cambodia, Rwanda, and Yugoslavia were three of the abundant infamous degradations of humanity at the 2nd semester of the 20th century. However, under the universal spirit of humanity, international society reacted actively against those inhumane actions ergo UN formed ad hoc tribunal such as ICTY or ICTR. Yet those ad hoc tribunal were considered ineffective ergo the escalation of permanent court demands. This resulted in the birth of Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Rome Statute was positively acclaimed by international society and currently had been ratified by 124 countries. Still, Indonesia were not among them. This thesis would examine Indonesia’s policy of Rome Statute. Through constructivist perspective, this thesis would unfold norms disparities between international norms of Rome Statute and domestic norms of Indonesia. The perception of norms disparity would lead Indonesia to create a congruence of its norms ergo the policy to not ratify Rome Statute yet. To put the finger on the answer, this thesis would also encompass institutional dynamics of ICC and Indonesia’s commitment on Rome Statute, both explicit and implied commitments, started from Megawati’s, SBY’s, to Jokowi’s rule. As the result, it would be concluded whether there is norms disparity as the factor behind Indonesia’s policy to not ratify Rome Statute.]]>
<![CDATA[Kepentingan Amerika Serikat dan Prancis dalam Intervensi Kemanusiaan di Libya pada Tahun 2011 ]]>
<![CDATA[Utomo, Adhika Isthianto]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 4, Nomor 4, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[United States and France were the two countries that had high involvement in humanitarian intervention in Libya in 2011. In fact, the humanitarian intervention process was deviated from the original goal of humanitarian intervention which was for humanitarian reasons. This indicates that the United States and France have their own interests behind humanitarian intervention in Libya. This research aims to analyze the interests of the United States and France in carrying out humanitarian intervention in Libya in 2011. In this study also briefly explained how the conflict in Libya occur until the UN Security Council gave a decision to intervene. This study uses qualitative and explanatory research methods with two data sources, primary and secondary data. The theoretical framework used in this research is Neorealism theory. From the research that has been done, there are three interests of the United States and France in carrying out humanitarian intervention in Libya. The First is the interests of the United States and France to control oil in Libya, and the second is the political factor of the United States and France, and the third is the interest of the United States to overthrow the Muammar Gaddafi regime.]]>
