Journal of International Relations Studies
Journal of International Relations seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field.
Articles
609 Documents
<![CDATA[Analisis Persepsi Keamanan Nasional India Terhadap Serangan Siber dari Pakistan 2008-2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Pratiwi, Ratna Ayu Paramitha]]>;
<![CDATA[Susiatiningsih, Rr. Hermini]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (208.093 KB)
<![CDATA[The conflict between India and Pakistan has occurred before independent both of those countries, then continued until they involved in complex pattern of conflict. The development of information and communication technology has influenced on developments leading to cyber conflicts. This conflict makes the perception of India's national security needs to be revised again. In this study, writer discusses Indian cyber security after the Pakistani cyber attack, and looks at India's actions in the cyber attack. This research uses a qualitative method using descriptive. Using Barry Buzan's security theory where individuals and states can be subject and object of reference. The results showed that cyber attacks from Pakistan led to India's critical infrastructure (CI), the existential threats in this case not physical but as cyber. The perception of cyber threats from Pakistan regarded India as confrontation to deal with conflict. Based on this perception has a significant influence of act the of Indian cyber security. Then the writer also looks at Indian national security measures involving nonstate actors involved in cyber conflicts with Pakistan.]]>
<![CDATA[6. Analisis Implementasi Cyber Security di Uni Eropa: Studi Kasus Carbon Credits Hacking dalam European Union Emission Trading Scheme (EU ETS) Tahun 2010-2013 ]]>
<![CDATA[Aisya, Naila Sukma]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 2, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (422.561 KB)
<![CDATA[Since the last two decades in the 20th century, the European Union (EU) has presented itself as a leader in climate change issues. The leadership manifested in the formation of the European Union Emission Trading Scheme (EU ETS) as an effort to fulfill the commitments of the Kyoto Protocol to reduce emissions in the region. But the existence of the EU ETS has been challenged by the emergence of carbon credits hacking case in some national registration systems in the EU ETS. This study discusses the implementation of cyber security in the European Union which has not been able to prevent the occurrence of carbon credits hacking in 2010-2013. This study uses the collective identity and role identity concepts of constructivism. Collective identity explains the implementation of cyber security in the EU, while the role identity explains the effect of EU leadership on the issue of climate change. The results show that the collective identity of cyber security in the European Union has a systemic and strategic issue namely the lack of homogeneity of the implementation of the policies and the lack of perception of the cyber-attacks as a common threat. The EU itself tends to focus on achieving the emissions reduction commitments through the market mechanism in the EU ETS.]]>
<![CDATA[ANALISIS PERUBAHAN KEBIJAKAN INDONESIA TERHADAP ASEAN AGREEMENT ON TRANSBOUNDARY HAZE POLLUTION ]]>
<![CDATA[Nugroho, Januar Aden]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 4, Nomor 4, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (172.374 KB)
<![CDATA[This study discusses Indonesian policy towards the AATHP agreement. Since the first AATHP haze agreement was formed in 2002, the Government of Indonesia has refused to ratify the agreement for almost 12 years. However, in 2014 a policy change occurred, with the Indonesian Government finally ratifying the agreement. This policy change raises the question, why Indonesia finally changed its policy towards AATHP. In explaining this research, the author uses the framework of liberalism theory to answer changes in Indonesian policy towards AATHP. Liberalism considers that this policy change is caused by the support of actors in Indonesian domestic politics. These actors in the form of private groups, interested actors and individual actors have become their own causes in Indonesia's policy changes to AATHP. Private groups, individual actors in domestic politics and interest groups are key actors in influencing how the Indonesian government takes its decisions on the AATHP agreement. In addition, support from ASEAN countries as well as the existence of domestic political turmoil were also the cause of the Indonesian Government finally changing its policy towards the AATHP agreement.]]>
<![CDATA[1.RADIKALISASI GERAKAN PERLINDUNGAN BINATANG: SERANGAN ECO-TERORISME “OPERATION BITE BACK†OLEH ANIMAL LIBERATION FRONT DI AMERIKA SERIKAT ]]>
<![CDATA[Wahyudewi, Putri]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 2, Nomor 2, Tahun 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (263.618 KB)
<![CDATA[The vast growth of the environmentalist and animal rights movement during the 20thcentury has posed radicalization within it. Being labeled as the most active radical animalrights group in the United States, Animal Liberation Front (ALF) has emerged as the mostserious domestic terrorist threat in the country. In 1990, ALF created a series of attackscalled “Operation Bite Backâ€, through which it imposed threats and showed how this actof eco-terrorism is perpetrated. The purpose of this research is to give explanatory answerto why ALF chose the method of eco-terrorism in Operation Bite Back. By using ResourceMobilization theory, the result of this research is that the ALF’s cell-formedorganizational structure and its leaderless resistance strategy give its members chances tobecome the key players and conduct their own attacks. In this case, Rod Coronado becamethe main variable of the eco-terrorist attacks. The analysis of this case has proven therationaliy of the actor in deciding the method and how internal and external factors areinterconnected and mobilized, making it highly significant to the formation of movements.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Idiosinkratik Nicolas Maduro Terhadap Penolakan Bantuan Kemanusiaan Amerika Serikat Dalam Krisis Venezuela ]]>
<![CDATA[Ashidiqi, Amalia Safira]]>;
<![CDATA[Hanura, Marten]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 1, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (207.745 KB)
<![CDATA[This research discusses the refusal of humanitarian assistance conducted by Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro of humanitarian aid from donor countries, especially the United States. Although, the refusal of aid was considered inappropriate in the midst of the ongoing humanitarian crisis. Whereas from Maduro's perspective the decision is the right way to protect Venezuela from the influence and interests of the United States. The decission making process of a leader has to do with psychological factors. In the process of decision making, the leader has many characteristics that are considered to shape the decision. Idiosyncratic. Therefore, the formulation of the problem in this study is how is the idiosyncratic influence on the refusal of Venezuelan humanitarian assistance to America? This research has a focus on individual analysis and idiosyncratic theoretical framework that explains the type of leader in making decisions. The results through indicators and analysis of news media interview data, Maduro included in one type of leader whose decisions are much influenced by the characteristics of that type.]]>
<![CDATA[Penanganan Illegal Tapping, Illegal Drilling dan Penyelewengan Bahan Bakar Minyak (BBM) Bersubsidi di Indonesia Tahun 2011-2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Lioty, Riyandani Rahmadiah]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Tri Cahyo]]>;
<![CDATA[Pattipeilohy, Shary Charlotte]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 4, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (600.91 KB)
<![CDATA[Oil stealing with illegal tapping, illegal drilling and misusing of fuel subsidy mode had often occurred in the period of 2011 until 2015 in Indonesia. Indonesia incurred losses as much as ten billions every year. It was important to find out the efforts of Indonesia government because in 2011 until 2015, the number of stealing oil not only increased but also decreased. This research used qualitative method that tried to explain the efforts of Indonesia government. Furthermore, the efforts of Indonesia government were analyzed to find out the main factor why oil stealing still happened until present. The Institutional liberal theory was used for answering these phenomenon. The result showed that the efforts of Indonesia government were not enough. Indonesia government only focused on oil stealing and smuggling in domestic area, so it was the reason why oil stealing still happened in Indonesia. The international illegal oil trade syndicate that could not handle was the main reason related to oil stealing. Therefore, multilateral cooperation called institutional or regime cooperation that specifically against the international illegal oil trade syndicate was needed.]]>
<![CDATA[Penolakan Israel terhadap Bantuan Kemanusiaan WCC-EAPPI ]]>
<![CDATA[Yuanto, Aviarma]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 1, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (461.956 KB)
<![CDATA[The World Council of Churches (WCC) is an institution that accommodates Christian unity throughout the world. WCC brings together churches, denominations and church fellowships in more than 110 countries and territories throughout the world, representing more than 500 million Christians. As a religious organization, WCC has a program that focuses on humanitarian assistance, named Ecumenical Accompaniment Program in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI). But since 2016, this WCC-EAPPI’s humanitarian assistance has been refused by Israel. This refusal resulted in many losses especially for conflict victims. This research aims to find out the reasons for Israel thatrefuses the existence of WCC-EAPPI humanitarian assistance. By using aspects of the humanitarian diplomacy concepts, it can be explained by the reason that Israel refused WCC-EAPPI humanitarian assistance. In this refusal, it is inseparable from the perspective, performance and principles of the WCC-EAPPI itself. The suitability of WCC-EAPPI activities with humanitarian diplomacy aspects deserves to be highlighted in explaining the refusal obtained from Israel]]>
<![CDATA[16. EFEKTIVITAS SEATCA DALAM PENANGANAN PERDAGANGAN ROKOK ILEGAL DI MALAYSIA TAHUN 2010 - 2012 ]]>
<![CDATA[Fitriasari, Fransiska Alfiana]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Puspapertiwi, Sheiffi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 2, Nomor 3, Tahun 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (239.321 KB)
<![CDATA[Tobacco issue has become world’s attention in 1990. The issues that arise due to tobaccoconsumption become the background of international tobacco control regimes establishment,called Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, in 2005. In 2001, a tobacco controlalliance also established in Southeast Asia, it is called Southeast Asia Tobacco ControlAlliance. Malaysia is a country that faces high illegal cigarette trade, they are kreteksmuggling and illicit white. Illegal cigarette trade has harmed Malaysia in social, economy,and health. After the establishment of Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, SoutheastAsia Tobacco Control Alliance has a function as the main pillar of tobacco control inSoutheast Asia. Southeast Asia Tobacco Control Alliance has a duty as an implementationcatalyst of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control in Southeast Asia. Southeast AsiaTobacco Control Alliance encourages the Southeast Asian countries to make policies inaccordance with the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control and to overcome all theexisting tobacco issues to achieve the common goal. The purpose of this study are to identifyand explain the effectiveness of Southeast Asia Tobacco Control Alliance in handling illegalcigarette trade in Malaysia in 2010-2012. The type of this research is explanative. This studyis analyzed by using qualitative data analysis techniques and theory of international regimes.The result of the research shows that Southeast Asia Tobacco Control Alliance as the mainpillar of tobacco control in Southeast Asia is not effective in handling illegal cigarettes inMalaysia in 2010-2012.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Indonesia pada Era Pemerintahan Presiden Joko Widodo dalam Mewujudkan ASEAN Drug Free Area ]]>
<![CDATA[Armaghani, Hafizh]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>;
<![CDATA[Puspapertiwi, Sheiffi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 4, Nomor 2, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (435.902 KB)
<![CDATA[From national, regional, to international level, the issue of drug abuse becomes one of the most important issues to be resolved. This issue of drug abuse also become a big problem in Indonesia and other countries in Southeast Asia. ASEAN as a regional institution in Southeast Asia region considers this as an urgency that must be handled comprehensively that eventually countries in Southeast Asia have a shared commitment to create a drug-free area. This research contains a discussion of the Indonesian manifestazion to the commitment of ASEAN Drug Free Area in President Joko Widodo era. This study uses the concept of an international regime, which draws conclusions and from data collected in the field. The results of this study show that Indonesia in the era of President Joko Widodo government made efforts in eradicating drugs referring to the work plan of the ASEAN Drug Free Area. The ASEAN Drug Free Area focus in the form of supply and demand reduction is manifested by Indonesia through their national policy. Indonesia is also implementing its policies in accordance with the ASEAN Drug Free Area work plan which is divided into six aspects: (i) Preventive education, (ii) law enforcement, (iii) treatment and rehabilitation, (iv) research, (v) alternative development, and ( vi) law and cooperation.]]>
<![CDATA[THE MILITARY ESCALATION BY THE ARCTIC FIVE MEMBERS IN THE ARCTIC OVER THE PERIOD OF 2007 - 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Jayanti, Benita Sashia]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Tri Cahyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 2, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1004.103 KB)
<![CDATA[The Arctic recently has shifted into one of the most appealing topic to be debated in terms of International Politics. The Arctic Five, membered by the United States, Denmark, Canada, Norway, and Russia are undergoing military escalation in the Arctic. Some precedings reports have linked the correlation between the military escalation with the dispute of territorial claims and the abundant of natural resources lying under the bottom of the Arctic Ocean. Perceiving that early conclusion given to this case, writer is being skeptical. The main object of this research is to discover the driven factors causing the military escalation in the Arctic. Throughout the research, writer analyses the case using the defensive realism theory with qualitative method and descriptive research by using literature review. At the end of the research, result is pointing out that the territorial dispute and natural resource are not the main driving factors causing the military escalation. The military escalation is not being used to threat other countries and it is only part of the capabilities fulfillment which has to be done by every country to attain the maximum security and survive within the anarchical international system.]]>
