Ulul Albab: Jurnal Studi Islam
ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam (ISSN 1858-4349 and E-ISSN 2442-5249) is the journal published biannually by Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang. The journal puts emphasis on aspects related to Islamic studies, with special reference to Islamic law, Islamic education, Islamic politics, society, Islamic philosophy, Quran and hadith, and theology. Ulul Albab has been accredited by The Ministry of Research Tecnology and Higher Education of the Republic of Indonesia (SK Dirjen Penguatan Riset dan Pengembangan Kementerian Riset, Teknologi, dan Pendidikan Tinggi No. 48a/E/KPT/2017). The languages used in this journal are Indonesia, English and Arabic.
Articles
383 Documents
<![CDATA[THE FOREST WARRIOR OF WALISONGO ISLAMIC BOARDING SCHOOL TUBAN: Supporting Students as Ecotheology Based Forest Conservator ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahzumi, Fikri]]>;
<![CDATA[Suhermanto, Suhermanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Iffah, Iffah]]>
<![CDATA[ ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam Vol 20, No 1 (2019): Islamic Politics and Society ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.18860/ua.v20i1.5585
<![CDATA[This study tried to explore the subject of Noer Nasroh Hadiningrat who had found an eco-theological awareness at the Walisongo Islamic Boarding School in Tuban. Ecotheology is an interesting topic in academic studies today. The ecological paradigm that rests on the spirit of this religion is believed to be able to overcome the environmental crisis happening now. The focus of this study seeks to explain how the subject's conception of ecotheology, what actions are carried out? And how sustainability and implications are for the community? Using an ethnographic approach, this study focuses on epic and emic data obtained from the explanation of the subject and facts in the research field. The results of this study found that the ecotheology conception initiated by the subject was a religious reflection that originated from the primary text of Islam combined with traditional wisdom. The establishment of the State Vocational High School (SMKN) is a concrete manifestation of the subject's efforts to integrate beliefs, traditions, and forestry so that they manifest themselves in concrete actions such as reforestation, conservation, and changes in public awareness of the urgency of forest conservation. In the aspect of continuity, the existence of Forestry Vocational Schools is a forum for printing students who have an awareness of forest conservation as well as being able to seek life from it. The idea of Kiai Noer also received support from sons, the government, and the community. This ecotheology conception has also inspired other pesantren to form a similar ecological paradigm.]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIAN GLOBAL IKHWAN’S RECEPTION AND EXPRESSION TOWARD SUNNAH POLYGAMY IN ONLINE MEDIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmadi, Rizqa]]>;
<![CDATA[Hefni, Wildani]]>;
<![CDATA[Mutrofin, Mutrofin]]>
<![CDATA[ ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam Vol 20, No 1 (2019): Islamic Politics and Society ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.18860/ua.v20i1.5660
<![CDATA[Evidence of the strength of Indonesian Muslim relations with the text tradition can be found in various practices of daily life. The text referred to in this paper is religious texts, especially hadith. Each group in the community has an expression of diverse receptions to a text. Global Ikhwan, one of the urban Muslim communities in Indonesia which declares the call for polygamy, reveals interesting receptions and expressions to be explored. With a virtual ethnographic approach (netnography), the authors find that they perceive hadith exegesis. The group interpreted the command of polygamy with a more realistic interpretation. They perceive the command of polygamy in the hadith with the meaning of sunnah matrûkah (abandoned sunnah), which is not done by many Muslims. Their expressions are manifested in organizing a short course, coaching for prospective wives who are ready for polygamy, publications, and declarations to various media. If viewed from the aspect of the reception function of the text, the traditions that are receptions are categorized into informative functions, which function as sources of information for carrying out an action.]]>
<![CDATA[CULTURAL REVIVALISM OF MANGKUNEGARA VII AND THE ISLAMISM DISCOURSE IN THE EARLY 20th CENTURY ]]>
<![CDATA[Wardhana, Adi Putra Surya]]>;
<![CDATA[Pitana, Titis Srimuda]]>;
<![CDATA[Susanto, Susanto]]>
<![CDATA[ ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam Vol 20, No 1 (2019): Islamic Politics and Society ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.18860/ua.v20i1.5664
<![CDATA[This article aims at studying Javanese cultural revivalism of Mangkunegara VII, its function, and meaning, within the context of the rise of Islamism in the early 20th century. Mangkunegara VII was a Mangkunegaran ruler who actively participated in developing Javanese culture. When he was young, he was an essential figure in Budi Utomo, a movement organization that represented Javanese nationalism which was influenced by the complex relations between language awareness, colonialism, modernism, and Islamism. He was also involved in various Kejawen organizations. Using Michel Foucault's discourse theory, this paper argues that Javanese cultural revivalism is a Javanese nationalist success to overcome the excessive radicalism of Islamic discourse. When Islamism arose with their attacks against the abangan, he carried out counter-narratives through Javanese cultural organizations. As a ruler, he was successful in assuming legitimacy from the Mangkunegaran people as well as to influence the Dutch colonial government, and other Javanese nationalists as well.]]>
<![CDATA[IDEOLOGICAL INVOLUTION OF THE ISLAMISTS ]]>
<![CDATA[Umam, Fawaizul]]>
<![CDATA[ ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam Vol 20, No 1 (2019): Islamic Politics and Society ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.18860/ua.v20i1.5714
<![CDATA[Islamism as one of transnational political Islam ideologies continues to spread throughout the world. Many researchers read the phenomenon of strengthening Islamism solely as part of the Islamic social movements. This article looks at it further as a threat to the social cohesiveness of contemporary society. It intends to describe the Islamism from (1) its genealogy to ideological ideas about the unification of dîn (religion) and dawlah (state) and (2) measuring how relevant that idea is realized in a global and national context and (3) proposing a counter-ideology as a solution. Genealogically, Islamism ideology shows the tendency of revivalism and even fundamentalism, which tries to set Islam as a single system in society life. For contemporary Indonesia concept, the ideology is not only realistic, but is also potentially destructive to the unity, the country-nation awareness, the democracy, and Islam’s mission as raḥmat li al-‘âlamîn. Its deployment can be forestalled by revitalizing an alternative strategic discourse containing Islamic values into every dimension of life in this country. Based on the documentary review, its research findings are expected to enrich the discourse as well as an early warning system for national solidity and religious solidarity, especially in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[THE SOCIAL STRATA SYSTEM AND ITS IMPACT ON WOMEN'S SOCIAL ROLE IN THE PROPHETIC AND CALIPH ERA (610-661 AD) ]]>
<![CDATA[Masruri, Muhammad Hadi]]>
<![CDATA[ ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam Vol 20, No 1 (2019): Islamic Politics and Society ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.18860/ua.v20i1.5842
<![CDATA[The outlook against women defining her role in the domestic sector still prevails to this day in Islamic society, especially in Middle East countries where some consider that Islam is against women's role in the public sector. Therefore, this study concludes that the expansion of Islamic empire and the conquest of new lands in the caliphate era, especially in the era of 'Uthmân ibn 'Affân has affected some. For example the uncontrollably rise of Jawârî in the center of Islamic government Medina, conquering new territories, the impossibility of identifying women and other neighbors, the limited activity for women in domestic sector, as well as the Prophet PBUH’s duty to marry his wives to reduce the women’s role in that era. This study attempts to prove that social class system in society has significant impact on social role played by Arab women at that time. It also affects the formation of social relation pattern for women. The higher the social classes of women, the more freedom for aristocratic women Chandeliers in playing a keyrole in many social activities, including intervention in war and expropriation, as well as enjoying the high degree of access to human right in social role that other women cannot enjoy. This is what happened in the era of the Prophet and Caliph.]]>
<![CDATA[THE BEGINNING OF ISLAMIC MONTHS DETERMINATION IN INDONESIA AND MALAYSIA: Procedure and Social Condition ]]>
<![CDATA[Wahidi, Ahmad]]>;
<![CDATA[Yasin, Noer]]>;
<![CDATA[Kadarisman, Ali]]>
<![CDATA[ ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam Vol 20, No 2 (2019): Islamic Politics and Society ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.18860/ua.v20i2.5913
<![CDATA[Determination procedure of the beginning of Islamic months in Indonesia is done through isbat convened by Ministry of Religious Affairs. The result is considered as the official decision of government. In Malaysia, the determination is preceded by the execution of ru’yah set by the officials of Keeper of the Rulers’ Seal. The falak data are prepared by the Falak Unit at the Department of Islamic Development, the Mufti Members of the States of Malaysia as the practitioners. The results are announced by appointed officers from Mufti and Falak experts. The effort of the Indonesian Government on the unification of beginning of Islamic months determination is by establishing the Organization of Ḥisâb Ru’yah. One of its tasks and functions is to seek the unification of the beginning of Islamic months’ determination through several programs. Whereas Malaysian Government does it by synchronizing understanding about the beginning of Islamic months’ determination and after that relying on King’s decision whether there will be strict sanction related to dissimilarity of the beginning of Islamic months’ determination.]]>
<![CDATA[THE MILLENIAL GENERATION, HADITH MEMES, AND IDENTITY POLITICS: The New Face of Political Contestation in Contemporary Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Imron, Ali]]>
<![CDATA[ ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam Vol 20, No 2 (2019): Islamic Politics and Society ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.18860/ua.v20i2.5675
<![CDATA[Since society has been encountering the advanced technology of smartphones, the internet has become the most crowded channel as well as a noisy stage for disputes on religious issues. The preceding disagreement on hadith that manifested in thick books has now transformed into pictures or, I should call, hadith memes. Using the theory of Richard Dawkins, this article maps the forms of disputes involving hadith that are represented by memes. This qualitative research places those memes as the material object, while the messages provided by the hadith as the formal object. The reason behind the use of Dawkins’ theory is that those memes do not explicitly contain messages alone, but also sharp identity politics, criticism, contestation, satire, cynicism. As a result, this research maps hadith memes that are distributed on the internet into four categories. They are formed with straightforward messages and satires, containing ideological ideas of several religious groups in order to maintain their existence as well as win the contestation for power.]]>
<![CDATA[LOCAL POLITICAL PARTIES IN ACEH IN 2017 REGIONAL ELECTION: Analysis of Political Identity and Islamization Issue ]]>
<![CDATA[Syarif, Muhammad Rajiv]]>
<![CDATA[ ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam Vol 20, No 2 (2019): Islamic Politics and Society ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.18860/ua.v20i2.5668
<![CDATA[The existence of local political parties in outline is a new alternative to the implementation of local democratic processes in Aceh are not specifically for Islamization issues. In the political record, the process of electing leaders in Aceh Province has been noted for three times (2006, 2012 and 2017). Aceh continues to move dynamically with political activities that are often rarely predictable or new conflicts that are sometimes expected to occur during democratic parties. This paper examines factors of voter's behavior and political identity in Aceh after the signing peace agreement in 2005 as well as analyzes the regional elections in 2017 and the Islamization issue within it. It will be explained that the behavior of voters in the Aceh regional election is very crucial. The election runs successfully by playing the identity of the political party in the Islamic shari'a area bringing issues in local implementation's policy. Finally, the crisis of trust that has been happening to national political parties has become one of the benchmarks for people to participate in the implementation of local democracy through the emergence of local political parties in Aceh.]]>
<![CDATA[SUNDANESE AHMADIYYA’S PUPUJIAN OF THE MAHDI IN WEST JAVA ]]>
<![CDATA[Rohmana, Jajang A]]>
<![CDATA[ ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam Vol 20, No 2 (2019): Islamic Politics and Society ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.18860/ua.v20i2.5689
<![CDATA[This article focuses on the local tradition of Ahmadiyya in West Java in the form of Sundanese oral literature entitled Pupujian Imam Mahdi, the song of praise of the Mahdi. It is not only related to strengthening the so-called “Sundanese Ahmadiyya†identity through cultural acculturation, but also an important channel in their acceptances in regions with the largest adherents in Indonesia. Through literary and cultural identity analysis, I argue that the literary and cultural channels contributed to the acceptance of minority groups in Indonesia. Through pupujian Imam Mahdi, for instance, Ahmadiyya teachings on the messianistic figure were acculturated into the Sundanese literary tradition. It becomes a frame of movement towards the formation of the Sundanese Ahmadiyah identity. The pupujian is used to support their existences through the same cultural representation as other Sundanese people. It is a cultural strategy carried out by the most controversial minority group among the rejection of the most groups. This study is also important in revealing Ahmadiyya's contribution to the Sundanese local culture which may not be recognized by others. It actually becomes a peculiarity of Ahmadiyya identity in the Indonesian archipelago which is different from other cultural representation of Ahmadiyya in various regions in the world.]]>
<![CDATA[THE INFLUENCE OF WATCHING NEWS ABOUT CHURCH BOMBINGS IN SURABAYA ON THE PUBLIC PERCEPTION TOWARD THE VEILED MUSLIM WOMEN IN YOGYAKARTA ]]>
<![CDATA[Adhiarso, Dendy Suseno]]>
<![CDATA[ ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam Vol 20, No 2 (2019): Islamic Politics and Society ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.18860/ua.v20i2.5662
<![CDATA[Wearing veil is the right for Muslim women in Indonesia. However, they should be careful with the recent social condition. Some people feel anxious, fear or even suspicious against veiled Muslim women. Moreover, after both electronic and social media provided information on terrorism cases, most people assume that it is done by Muslims. Based on the negative perception, the study aims to observe the effects of watching news about church bombing in Surabaya to people’s opinion about the veiled Muslim woman in Yogyakarta. The theory in this study is the cultivation and meaning of the message. This research is a quantitative method, precisely using a survey. The data are retrieved using questionnaires, and samples and are taken using purposive sampling technique. The result shows that R. Square is 0.227 which means that 22.7% variable factors’ perception on veiled Muslim women are affected after watching news about church bombing, while the 77.3% is affected by other variables. Based on the ANOVA, the value of F count equals to 28.827 with a 0.000 probability level (significance) which means watching a news about church bombing in Surabaya has significant impact on the public perception of the veiled Muslim women.]]>
