Jurnal Ilmiah HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL
JIHI can be a reference and literature source for academician in International Relations area as it consists of articles and research reports on International Relations Issues. Articles and research reports are written by academics who is the expert on its field like Security Studies, International Political Economy, Regime, International Organization, Gender and International Relations, Diplomacy, Media and International Relations, etc.
Articles
302 Documents
<![CDATA[An Indonesian Democracy: limits of a majoritarian democracy ]]>
<![CDATA[Ben Kristian Citto Laksana]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2016): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (328.993 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v12i2.2649.133-142
<![CDATA[Indonesia has continuously been praised as a successful post-authoritarian country transitioning to democracy. However, seeing the numerous human rights violations in the past decade alone especially towards alternative political, religious and sexual identities, the success of democracy in Indonesia has been put under the spotlight. This raises the question of the development of democracy and the use of democracy in Indonesia in practicing and upholding principles of social equality for all. In this article I wish to provide an overview of majoritarian democracy, a form of democracy that is understood and practiced in Indonesia. A form of democracy that rather than upholding values that safeguards individual rights and diversity, may in fact undermine religious and cultural diversity, enforcing a homogenized national culture and values, which in return may engender human rights violations in the name of national security that it in itself is defined by the majority.]]>
<![CDATA[Understanding Christian's Perspective on Peace and War ]]>
<![CDATA[Petrus K. Farneubun]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 9 No. 2 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (505.417 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v9i2.1046.%p
<![CDATA[Abstract: Problems of peace and war continues to be debated in theological and moral traditions of Christianity.This paper tries to pick two points. First, the Christian view of peace and war. In the Christian view of peace (peace) is indispensable to justice (justice) and include the dimensions (inner peace) or a spiritual dimension(spiritual peace). This understanding is different from a more secular outlook mean peace at the level of exteriordimensions (outer dimension). Secondly, this paper contradict two major traditions in Christianity regarding theplace of Christians in the war and their obligation to participate. The tradition of pacifism which Christians aregenerally held before St . Agustine, argues that Jesus forbade Christians at all involved in the war or arms. Thistradition believes that peace is achieved only through peaceful means. Conversely, Just War tradition that wasdeveloped by St . Augustine considered that Christians are obliged to participate in the war when the purpose ofwar is to bring peace and uphold justice. St.Augustine in two main principles that must be met, namely Jus AdBellum ( Justice of War ) and Jus in Bello ( Justice in War ) .Keywords : Peace, War, Pacifism, Just War, Christians]]>
<![CDATA[The Pacific Solution as Australia Policy towards Asylum Seeker and Irregular Maritime Arrivals (IMAs) in John Howard Era ]]>
<![CDATA[Hardi Alunaza]]>;
<![CDATA[Ireng Maulana]]>;
<![CDATA[Adityo Darmawan Sudagung]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 1 (2018): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v14i1.2789.61-75
<![CDATA[This research is attempted to answer the question of why John Howard used the Pacific Solution as Australian policy towards Asylum Seekers and Irregular Maritime Arrivals (IMAS). By using the descriptive method with a qualitative approach, the researchers took a specific interest in decision-making theory and sovereignty concept to analyze the phenomena. The policy governing the authority of the Australian Government in the face of the Asylum Seeker by applying multiple strategies to suppress and deter IMAs. The results of this research indicate that John Howard used Pacific Solution with emphasis on three important aspects. First, eliminating migration zone in Australia. Second, building cooperation with third countries in the South Pacific, namely Nauru and Papua New Guinea in shaping the center of IMAs defense. On the other hand, Howard also made some amendments to the Migration Act by reducing the rights of refugees. Immigrants who are seen as a factor of progress and development of the State Australia turned into a new dimension that threatens economic development, security, and socio-cultural. ]]>
<![CDATA[People's Interest, The Neglected Feature of The Reformasi. The Case of Indonesian Defense Diplomacy ]]>
<![CDATA[Adrianus Harsawaskita]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 11 No. 2 (2015): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (99.24 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v11i2.2534.%p
<![CDATA[Law of the Republic of Indonesia on the State Defense stipulates among others: the active role of the Army in maintaining regional and international peace, defense diplomacy, as well as incorporating people and other resources in defending the country. The inauspicious Indonesian defense diplomacy towards Singapore in the form of Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) of 2007 planned to beef up both military cooperation and mutual confidence. The planned joint training would exploit not only Indonesian territories, but also affect people’s livelihood and safety. Utilizing people in the implementation exposes loopholes in the regulation(s) of the state defense. Should government consult the concerned people? Indeed, people were not consulted as the existing regulations sidestep people in the process to reach an agreement in DCA. And that is one of the case of neglecting people interest in the reformasi era. ]]>
<![CDATA[Kekalahan Amerika Sebagai Negara Super Power Pada Saat Perang Vietnam (1954-1975) ]]>
<![CDATA[Stephani Dania N. P.]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 9 No. 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1008.135 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v9i1.539.%p
<![CDATA[As we know that the Vietnam War was the greatest war in the history of the United States, because of the war that lasted for 20 years have been eating so many casualties and cause material loss and spiritual huge especially for the United States. The Vietnam War is a terrible war going on throughout history, due to the emergence of a conflict between two ideologies were very influential in the world of liberal democracy to communist Vietnam, resulting in the outbreak of the country into two parts, namely the North Vietnam (communist) and South Vietnam (liberal democracy). Surely split two countries aided by allies such as France, the United States and China, so the cause of tension is prolonged that war spread to Laos and Cambodia. During the war the United States is trying to help South Vietnam in order to avoid the spread of communism in the state, because it is very dangerous for the existence of the United States as the adherents of liberal democracyKeywords : Vietnam War, Communism, Liberalism, United States, existance]]>
<![CDATA[Memahami Investasi Minyak Cina di Sudan: Analisis Interaksi Strategis Cina pada Situasi Konflik ]]>
<![CDATA[Fajar Ajie Setiawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 2 (2017): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (399.211 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v13i2.2277.119-133
<![CDATA[AbstrakPerkembangan pesat perekonomian Cina khususnya dalam dua dekade terakhir mendorong tingginya ketergantungan Cina akan impor minyak bumi melebihi kapasitas produksi domestiknya. Cina untuk pertama kalinya melewati Amerika Serikat sebagai importir minyak terbesar di dunia pada tahun 2015 dengan kawasan Afrika khususnya negara-negara ‘bermasalah’ seperti Sudan menjadi tujuannya. Investasi berbasis minyak Cina di Sudan kemudian menjadi perhatian dunia internasional karena kebijakan non-interferensi Cina dianggap tidak memedulikan permasalahan domestik Sudan. Penelitian ini berupaya untuk menjelaskan bagaimana investasi berbasis minyak Cina di Sudan dengan fokus analisis terhadap interaksi strategis antar negara yaitu Cina dengan Sudan yang dilanda konflik dengan menggunakan tiga variabel analisis yaitu kepentingan negara, spesifikasi setting strategis, dan perhatian terhadap faktor ketidakpastian. Hasil analisis memperlihatkan bahwa kebutuhan minyak sebagai penggerak pertumbuhan ekonomi Cina merupakan kepentingan krusial sehingga menjadi prioritas yang dijalankan oleh SOEs Cina sebagai instrumen strategis berdasarkan kebijakan “China First” yang permisif terhadap isu domestik. Kata Kunci: investasi minyak; politik luar negeri cina; konflik sudan; ekonomi politik internasionalAbstract The rapid economic development of PRC especially during the last two decades has prompted its dependence on oil imports exceeding its domestic production. China for the first time exceeded US as the biggest oil importer in 2015 with Africa particularly ‘troubled’ countries such as Sudan as its destination. China’s oil-based investment in Sudan later becomes international concern since China’s non-interference policy was perceived as ignoring Sudan’s domestic problems. This research attempts to explain China’s oil-based investment in Sudan with focus of analysis on China’s strategic interaction with conflict-troubled Sudan using three analytical variables: the identification of state interest, the specification of strategic setting, and the attention to the role of uncertainty. Analysis result shows that China’s need for oil to secure its economic growth is China’s vital interest as being prioritized by its SOEs as China’s strategic instrument based on ‘China First’ policy that is permissive towards Sudan’s domestic issue.Keywords: oil investment; china’s foreign policy; sudan conflict; IPE]]>
<![CDATA[Migration in EU: Impication to the Regional Integration ]]>
<![CDATA[Ratih Indraswari]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 10 No. 2 (2014): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (664.36 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v10i2.1316.%p
<![CDATA[The paper aims to address the imigrations issues in European Union (EU) and its relation to the continuation of closer union. Migrations becomes essential, yet delicate issues on the integration of Europe based on the socio-economic impacts they create. Two importants relations will be focused on, first is the relations between migration the problems of aging population and second is the realtion between migration and social tension. This paper concludes that the negative excess of economic achievement on socio-culture will potentially hamper the regional integration.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia dalam Memberikan Bantuan Pengungsi Rohingya di Bangladesh ]]>
<![CDATA[Dzikiara Pesona Sadewa]]>;
<![CDATA[Dudy Heryadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Taufik Hidayat]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 2 (2019): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1626.663 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v15i2.3108.89-103
<![CDATA[ABSTRAKPasca konflik yang terjadi di Myanmar, khususnya di wilayah Rakhine, menyebabkan etnis Rohingya memilih untuk mengungsi ke Bangladesh yang merupakan negara yang paling dekat dengan Myanmar. Namun yang menjadi permasalahannya adalah kedatangan para pengungsi Rohingya di Bangladesh mengalami peningkatan dari tahun ke tahun sehingga mengakibatkan terjadinya penumpukan pengungsi. Bangladesh juga merupakan salah satu negara yang memiliki wilayah yang kecil namun memiliki penduduk yang padat. Para pengungsi Rohingya yang berdatangan mengalami kondisi yang memprihatinkan, mulai dari kelaparan hingga gizi buruk. Penelitian ini menjelaskan bagaimana kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia dalam memberikan bantuan para pengungsi Rohingya di Bangladesh. Kedua negara memiliki permasalahan yang sama dalam menangani pengungsi Rohingya yang datang ke negaranya sehingga ketika pemerintah Bangladesh membutuhkan bantuan, Indonesia memberikan kontribusinya berasaskan jiwa kemanusiaan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Penelitian ini menggunakan analisa yang diambil dari studi pustaka serta informasi tambahan dari situs resmi online pemerintahan dari kedua negara yaitu Indonesia dan Bangladesh. Selain itu, peneliti juga menggunakan beberapa literatur jurnal penelitian terdahulu terkait urgensi dan kondisi yang dialami oleh etnis Rohingya dan lalu dianalisa dengan konsep kebijakan luar negeri dari Rosenau dalam melihat bagaimana kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia dalam memberikan bantuan pengungsi Rohingya di Bangladesh. Hasil dari peneltian ini menunjukan bahwa Indonesia memberikan manfaatnya untuk mempererat kerjasama kedua negara dan juga memperkecil jumlah korban etnis Rohingya yang berjatuhan di Bangladesh. Kata Kunci : kebijakan luar negeri; Indonesia; Bangladesh; Rohingya]]>
<![CDATA[Shifting Actors and Strategy in Indonesia’s Disaster Diplomacy After Tsunami Aceh 2004 ]]>
<![CDATA[Surwandono Surwandono]]>;
<![CDATA[Ratih Herningtyas]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 2 (2019): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (837.222 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v15i2.3185.185-196
<![CDATA[ABSTRACTDiplomacy as a foreign policy instrument of certain states to attain its national interest has traditionally been the authority of the central government regarding to its adequate capability and authority than other actors. Indonesia has high rank on disaster vulnerability in the world. Disasters always have been more understood as lost factors than social capital factors. The 2004 earthquake and tsunami in Aceh was a monumental history how managing disasters became a source of productive political and economic diplomacy. This paper will explain how the issue of natural disasters drove some new actors especially local government which has disaster prone areas to participate on disaster diplomacy activities and develop new strategy to manage and capitalize natural disaster into positive social capital to solve social problems, economic, political and social culture in disaster prone areas. The result of article show transformation of actor perceptions on disasters will affect disaster governance.Keywords: Indonesian disaster diplomacy, local government, para-diplomacy and International cooperation]]>
<![CDATA[Democracy and Development in Southeast Asia: A Critical Comparison ]]>
<![CDATA[M Faishal Aminuddin]]>;
<![CDATA[Joko Purnomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 2 (2019): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (610.271 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v15i2.3271.147-163
<![CDATA[ABSTRACTThere is an intriguing debate relating to the relationship of economic development to democratization. Southeast Asia region is one of the fast-growing economic development, and it also has a long journey to democratization. The result, however, is ambiguous regarding the internal dynamic of this region that hinders the possibility to have consolidated democracy. However, an achievement in economic development might facilitate political development. This paper will provide a critical note about the relationship between development and the political regime in the SEA region. This paper also analyzes the reason why there is no significant change regarding political regime within this region even though some countries are continuing to have positive achievements in democratization. Also, autocracy and the authoritarian regime still survive in this region. This paper assesses the progress of social and economic development and its impacts on domestic politics, then, attempts to explain the process of political transformation in the SEA region to understand the causes that hinder the spreading of democratization. Qualitative method will be used to analyze data and provide conclusion of this study.Keywords: democratization, development, political transformation, SEA countries]]>
