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149 Documents
<![CDATA[Globalisasi dan Tenaga Kerja: Internalisasi Norma Sertifikasi Tenaga Kerja Pariwisata di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Soeharto, Dyah Nurnaningtyas]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 8 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jtg.008.01.2
<![CDATA[Tourism is one of ASEAN's economic leading sectors. In order to improve the quality and mobility of the tourism professional workforce, ASEAN countries established ASEAN-MRA TP as the regional standard form of certification. The implementation of the ASEAN-MRA TP encourages Indonesian workers to obtain certification as proof of competence. However, the Indonesian tourism professional workforce rate is low, compared to the total tourism workforce in general. The culture of personal networking that deeply rooted in the tourism workforce is hampering Indonesian effort in implementing the ASEAN-MRA TP certification norm. By using Cortell A.P and Davis J's theory of domestic salience, this study aims to analyze the government's efforts to internalize the ASEAN-MRA TP certification norms to the domestic level, with the challenges of existing domestic cultures. There are 4 strategic actions taken, domestic institution, domestic interest, rhetoric and socialization forces. Keywords : Certification, ASEAN MRA-TP, Indonesia tourism professional workers, The culture of personal networking]]>
<![CDATA[Sexual Gender-Based Violence in Greek Refugees Camp ]]>
<![CDATA[Nadhifa, Khairunnisa]]>;
<![CDATA[Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 7 No. 2 (2020): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/jtg.v7i2.237
<![CDATA[In 2015 the European Migrant Crisis pushed Europe to a new dimension of issues and problems. With the mass of people migrating into the region, Greece became one of the front-line countries to face the crisis by hosting the country's high refugee population. Due to their incapability to adjust and respond according to the needs and situation of the crisis, other issues rise within Greek settlements among refugees themselves where violence came into existence. Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) appears in the refugee population that targeted women refugees living in the Greek camps. To know exactly why the causes of SGBV to happen in the first place against women refugees can be known through the effort of the Heise Model by Lori Michau to seek the root problems of the causes that drive the reason SGBV to exist within risky situations such as refugee camps. Through this Heise Model, the author seeks the causes of why SGBV happened in Greek refugee camps in 2015-2018 in covering four levels of societal, community, interpersonal, and individual.]]>
<![CDATA[Dinamika Konflik Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (ELAB) di Hong Kong Tahun 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Soehartono, Amelia Febrianti]]>;
<![CDATA[Noviryani, Mely]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 7 No. 1 (2020): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/jtg.v7i1.152
<![CDATA[The Conflict of Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (ELAB) in Hong Kong did not appear out of thin air. It was instigated by a Pro-Democracy group to challenge the amendment bill proposed by the government. The conflict escalated when other internal and external actors like the United States expressed their support for the Pro-Democracy group to fight against the Amendment Bill. Using the conflict dynamics approach to examine the process of ELAB conflict, this article analyzes the process through three elements that include internal actors, external parties, and clashes between the Chinese and Hong Kongese in terms of their sociopolitical values. Finally, this research shows that the Hong Kong ELAB conflict had escalated and intensified even more due to the dynamics between these three elements.]]>
<![CDATA[Masyarakat Sipil dan Gerakan Politik: Studi Kasus Reformasi Bahrain ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdullah, Abdullah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 8 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jtg.008.01.6
<![CDATA[In early 2011, countries in the Middle East and North Africa experienced a great mass movement that demanded their country leader to step down. Bahrain was one of the countries that experienced a mass movement, where the people of Bahrain demanded a government reformation that was considered authoritarian, repressive, and discriminative. The reformation that was wanted a change within the fields of politics, social, law and economy. This research aims to determine what factors causes the eruption of the mass movement in Bahrain on 2011. The writer used the concepts that the writer used to examine the problem using the concept mass movement by Eric Hoffer and the collective action by Charles Tilly and William Gamson. Based on the data there are and the theory the writer used, the factors that caused mass movement demanding reformation in Bahrain on 2011 are the disappointment from the people of Bahrain, the existence of organization and figure that's capable of mobilize the citizen, and also a special condition which is the mass movement that occurred in Egypt. Keywords: Mass Movement, Reformation, Bahrain]]>
<![CDATA[Transnational Drug Trafficking: Studi Kasus Peningkatan Peredaran Narkotika di Bangladesh ]]>
<![CDATA[Ramadhan, Bayu Arif]]>;
<![CDATA[Achsin, Muhaimin Zulhair]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 7 No. 2 (2020): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/jtg.v7i2.242
<![CDATA[Drug trafficking is one of the numerous acts of transnational criminal organizations (TOC). Bangladesh upon the course of 2015- 2017, had suffered from the intense drug flow, especially from the type of Yaba/amphetamine-type stimulant (ATS) in which peaked itself in 2015 by 211,2% percentage comparing to the previous years according to Drug Narcotics Control (DNC) reports and various media outlets. These flows were suspiciously running from the neighborhood country from Bangladesh, Myanmar, due to the unavailability of domestic yaba/ATS producers within Bangladesh. Contradict to the prevailing course of domestic anti-drug law in Bangladesh as embodied within the Drug Narcotics Act 2002, which tries to curb and prohibit whole activities regarding drug trafficking or flow. Therefore the writer was curious to conduct further research to examine the factors available to influence the intensity of drug trafficking and flow in Bangladesh upon 2015-2017.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Keamanan Maritim Indonesia terhadap Maritime Piracy di Laut Sulu Tahun 2016 ]]>
<![CDATA[Saraswati, Ayu Laksmi]]>;
<![CDATA[Pinatih, Ni Komang Desy Arya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 7 No. 1 (2020): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/jtg.v7i1.157
<![CDATA[The Sulu Sea, one of Indonesia's seas located in the strategic area of ALKI II (Indonesian Archipelagic Sea Lane), directly borders Malaysia and the Philippines. As a busy trade route, the sea is also vulnerable to threats such as maritime piracy. This research aims to see Indonesia's maritime security strategy in the Sulu Sea over maritime piracy cases in the area during 2016. In this research, the writer uses the Maritime Security concept proposed by Chris Rahman to explain Indonesia's maritime security strategy in the Sulu Sea. The author using three variables, including (1) security of the sea itself: conservation and protection; (2) ocean governance; (3) maritime border protection; (4) military activities at sea, and (5) security regulation of the transport marine system in their correlation with each other. The author then concludes that out of five variables, only two are suitable and effective for implementing piracies in the Sulu Sea, namely maritime border protection and military activities at sea.]]>
<![CDATA[Australia's Middle Power Approach Towards Climate Change in Pacific Island ]]>
<![CDATA[Narisya, Siti Dinda]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 8 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jtg.008.01.1
<![CDATA[This article tends to examine the ways Australia approaching climate change in the region associated with its middle power status. Pacific Islands or Southwest Pacific Region is a regional territory that almost of all its surface covered by water. The region is prominent for having numbers of island countries or island states which are very dependent on natural conditions. They are vulnerable to the change of nature thus it hits their top national security. The issue of climate change in recent years has gotten more serious attention from all over the world and so does the pacific island region with no exception. Australia with its unique feature of being known as a middle power state and as the most secure nation in the region has served a distinctive approach on addressing the issue of climate change. The behavior and identity approach are adequately in line to establish certain strategies associated with middle power status in the role of guiding Australia’s foreign policy. Keywords: climate change, Island states, middle power, Australia, foreign policy.]]>
<![CDATA[Problematika Pendidikan di Perbatasan: Studi Kasus Pendidikan Dasar bagi Anak Pekerja Migran Indonesia (PMI) di Negara Bahagian Sarawak, Malaysia ]]>
<![CDATA[Handoyo, Budi Sulistya]]>;
<![CDATA[Triarda, Reza]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 7 No. 2 (2020): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/jtg.v7i2.238
<![CDATA[Education as one of the basic rights or fundamental rights that everyone must own has been discussed since 1948 in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Primary education becomes important later because education is a strategic aspect of human life. Malaysia, as one of the destination countries of Indonesian migrant workers as a place to work. From the data of 2.7 million people spread throughout the territory of Malaysia. The problems that arise are not only in the administration of the workers but also the children they bring to work there. It becomes a dilemma because the government cannot go down directly because of obstacles such as national borders and the applicable rules. The Transnational Public-Private Partnership, which is then carried out between the two countries and a third party, private then, can fulfill that education. CLC or Community Learning Center is a manifestation of this form of public-private collaboration. In this case, the private sector's involvement is significant in fulfilling the education of Indonesian migrant worker children in the Sarawak region. To date, 62 CLCs provide access to education for 1,658 Indonesian children. With local teachers/tutors who are Indonesian citizens, the company recruits to teach with a minimum high school / vocational certificate. Until June 2019, there were 94 Pamong Teachers in the Sarawak CLC, and Bina Teachers were teachers sent by the Indonesian Government (Kemendikbud RI) to teach at the CLC. As of June 2019, there were 23 Bina Teachers in the Sarawak CLC.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Wacana Free West Papua Campaign pada Operasi Militer Indonesia dalam Konflik Nduga: Sebuah Tinjauan Kritis ]]>
<![CDATA[Rumila, Diana Nur]]>;
<![CDATA[Effendi, Yusli]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 7 No. 1 (2020): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/jtg.v7i1.153
<![CDATA[Mainstream narratives on Indonesia's military operation in West Papua describe it to help the conflicting region achieve peace and prosperity. This hegemonic and widely held public opinion is more often used to justify the behavior of the Indonesian Government in West Papua. This research aims to offer an alternative perspective on the matter by looking at the narrative promoted and written by Free West Papua Campaign (FWPC) on their news reports about the Nduga Conflict in 2018-2019 from their website: freewestpapua.org. Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis examines the discourse created from the news coverage within the three-dimensional analysis, namely the textual, the discourse practices, and sociocultural dimensions. Results show that FWPC depicts Indonesia's military as exploiters of the indigenous Papuans. At the same time, FWPC also tries to build a sense of belonging to gain support from the international society and online activists.]]>
<![CDATA[Menuju Surabaya Green City Melalui Kerjasama Kota Kembar Surabaya-Kitakyushu ]]>
<![CDATA[Widiana, Fany]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Ario Bimo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 8 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jtg.008.01.7
<![CDATA[The sister city collaboration between Surabaya and Kitakyushu is an example of the active cooperation of local governments in Indonesia. Conceptually, this kind of cooperation is also called paradiplomacy or diplomatic activity carried out by local governments with other regions in foreign countries. This article takes a case study of the sister cities of Surabaya and Kitakyushu to then look at the institutionalization aspect as a dimension that can be seen from paradiplomacy. Using the Surabaya point of view, the institutionalization points that the writer will review in this article are (1) the formation of a special ministry or department; (2) establishment of permanent subnational offices; (3) official visits of regional authorities to foreign territories and countries; (4) participation in various international events organized by foreign actors; (5) formation and participation in multilateral global & cross-border regional networks and working groups in specific fields; and (6) regional authorization participation in international events organized by foreign entities in official delegations of the central government. Keywords: Paradiplomacy, Surabaya, Kitakyushu, Sister City, Institutionalization]]>
