Global Strategis
Jurnal Global & Strategis is a scientific journal published twice a year, every June and December. JGS invite discussions, reviews, and analysis of contemporary against four main themes: international peace and security; international political economy; international businesses and organization; as well as globalization and strategy. JGS published by Cakra Studi Global Strategis (CSGS), center of studies that examine the issues of international relations and this center of studies was under control by Airlangga University International Relations Department.
Articles
210 Documents
<![CDATA[Reassessing Nation-Branding: Danish Public Diplomacy towards Muslim-Majority Countries after the 2005 Cartoon Crisis ]]>
<![CDATA[Radityo Dharmaputra]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 10 No. 2 (2016): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.10.2.2016.235-247
<![CDATA[This article reassesses Danish efforts of nation-branding towards Muslim-majority countries after the 2005 Prophet Cartoon Crisis. It disputes Rasmussen &Merkelsen’s (2012) findings regarding the shifting Danish policy to a more brand-conscious policy. This article differentiates reactive crisis diplomacy and a brand-informed policy and finds that Danish policy towards Muslim-majority countries was closer to the principle of reactive crisis diplomacy, rather than a conscious nation-branding. Result from this research could be used as the basis for future research on the idea that nation branding could complement the use of classic diplomacy. As the Danish case has shown, the lack of coordination between governmental and non-governmental actors and the lack of conscious effort on nation branding could negate the possibility of creating a good brand image.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Keamanan Pangan India Melawan Rezim Globalisasi ]]>
<![CDATA[Ica Wulansari]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 9 No. 1 (2015): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.9.1.2015.141-158
<![CDATA[Rezim internasional terbentuk oleh organisasi internasional di bawahWashington Consensus. Organisasi internasional seperti World TradeOrganization (WTO) mengakomodasi kepentingan negara-negara maju. WTO membuat aturan main perdagangan dunia, salah satu di antaranya adalah mengatur subsidi pangan. Hal tersebut menimbulkan perdebatan mengenai besaran subsidi pangan antara negara maju dan negara berkembang. Dalam Pertemuan WTO di Bali, India memberikan usulan besaran subsidi pangan 5 persen lebih tinggi dibandingkan usulan WTO dan berhasil disetujui dalam forum WTO yang melahirkan Paket Bali. Usulan India mengenai besaran subsidi pangan terkait dengan kebijakan dalam negeri mengenai keamanan pangan. India pada September 2013 mengesahkan Undang-Undang Keamanan Pangan dan menerapkan kebijakan pangan murah untuk kaum miskin. Populasi yang besar menyebabkan India sangat rawan akan ancaman ketersediaan pangan. Penelitian ini menganalisis bagaimana kebijakan pangan India dalam memperkuat kepentingan nasionalnya di tengah rezim globalisasi.]]>
<![CDATA[Keamanan Negara dalam Kegiatan Antariksa Nasional: Perspektif Realis Ofensif ]]>
<![CDATA[Totok Sudjatmiko]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 9 No. 2 (2015): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.9.2.2015.207-226
<![CDATA[Antariksa adalah kawasan yang dapat dikolaborasikan dengan penggunaan hard dan soft power dalam konteks keamanan negara. Perkembangan dalam satu kawasan ini akan dapat berdampak langsung pada kawasan lain. Nilai strategis tersebut membuat keamanan negara dalam kegiatan antariksa saat ini menjadi penting dalam kebijakan luar negeri suatu negara. Sehingga kebutuhan akan rasa aman bangsa dan negara dari gangguan dan ancaman pihak lain dapat terpenuhi. Untuk itu keamanan negara terkait kegiatan antariksa harus menempati prioritas utama dalam kebijakan luar negeri. Dimana kemudian Indonesia menuangkan aspek keamanan itu dalam Pasal 1 Ayat 12 dan Pasal 8 UU No. 21 Tahun 2013 Tentang Keantariksaan. Adapun yang menjadi permasalahan penelitian adalah apakah keamanan Indonesia dari antariksa telah tercermin dalam Pasal 1 ayat 12 dan Pasal 8 Undang-Undang No. 21 Tahun 2013 Tentang Keantariksaan yang memuat materi tentang keamanan apabila ditinjau dari kebijakan luar negeri realis ofensif.]]>
<![CDATA[Establishing Civilian Control over the Armed Forces ]]>
<![CDATA[Broto Wardoyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 10 No. 2 (2016): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.10.2.2016.153-167
<![CDATA[Using simple regression, this paper examines the explanans to the degree of civilian control over the armed forces. This paper takes into consideration four of the most considered independent variables to explain the degree of civilian control over the armed forces, i.e. internal threat, economic condition, civil liberties, and military access to resources. It suggests that the degree of internal threat is negatively correlated with the degree of civilian control over the armed forces while economic condition, civil liberties, and defense spending, or access to resources, enhance the degree of civilian control over the armed forces. In addition, it also suggests that civil liberties have the highest influence to the degree of civilian control over the armed forces, controlling the other independent variables. Since civil liberties are closely related to degree of democracy, it basically confirms previous research that suggest the degree of civilian control is closely and positively correlated with the maturity of democracy.]]>
<![CDATA[US Pivot and Stability in the Asia Pacific Region ]]>
<![CDATA[Angel Damayanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 9 No. 1 (2015): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.9.1.2015.63-80
<![CDATA[The US rebalancing strategy in Asia Pacific confirms the importance of AsiaPacific region particularly for the US and her interest. A rapid economicdevelopment in Asia Pacific states coupled with security dynamics thatpotentially triggers instability in the region have become driving factors forthe US involvement in the region. The US (re)-existence as well as her activeengagement obviously gives rise to multiple responses and leads to negativeperception. This article perceives that the US pivot in Asia Pacific including thestrengthening of US influence in the region might provoke tension particularlywith China. Nonetheless, a common and mutual interest in economic andsecurity has forced both states to self-restrain and develop strategicpartnership, which is essential to achieve their common goals together withother Asia Pacific states. To understand the US strategy and the impact of thestrategy, this article analyzes the US official documents as well as otherrelated states’ documents, and using the “post-modern states” approach toexplain the implication of US military strategy]]>
<![CDATA[Cooperation & Security Dilemma In The South China Sea ]]>
<![CDATA[Widian, Rizky]]>;
<![CDATA[Arimadona, Arimadona]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 12 No. 2 (2018): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.91-106
<![CDATA[This article will talk about security dilemma and offense-defense balance in the South China Sea. The rising of China's power in the South China Sea that facilitate the process security dilemma makes cooperation between claimant countries become more difficult. Regarding this matter, it's important to explain why cooperation in the area is difficult in the midst of many literatures that advocated cooperation as the tools for conflict management in the South China Sea. In order to form an ideal explanation, this article will refer to the concepts of security dilemma and offense-defense balance by Robert Jervis. The data in this article will be explored using qualitative research method of literature review to illustrate the distribution of power in the region. Through the data exploration, this article found that China's offensive power in the South China Sea is large enough to cause the sense insecurity and security dilemma. Thus, this article argue that the security dilemma caused by China's offensive power capability in the South China Sea is the main the reason that inhibiting cooperation between claimant states.]]>
<![CDATA[Intra-Industry Trading Factors and Patterns in ASEAN-5 Region ]]>
<![CDATA[Muryani, Muryani]]>;
<![CDATA[Pratiwi, Anisa Dyan]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 12 No. 2 (2018): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.41-52
<![CDATA[The large expansion of trade in the form of Intra-Industry Trade (IIT) in ASEAN is driving large volumes and variety of traded goods and is changing patterns of trade across members. This paper examines the factors affecting the level of IIT for ASEAN-5 countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand) in the period of 2004-2014. IIT is measured with Grubel-Lloyd index covering ten different one-digit SITC categories. The result indicates a large Intra-Industry Trade among ASEAN countries and across most manufacturing sectors. IIT Index is employed as a dependent variable, and four variables are used as independent variables: 1) different GDP per capita, 2) foreign direct investment (FDI), 3) trade openness, and 4) distance. Different GDP per capita and trade openness have a positive effect on IIT. FDI does not affect IIT, and distance has a negative effect on IIT across intra-ASEAN trade. Keywords: International Trade, Intra-Industry Trade, Grubel-Lloyd, Panel Data Analysis]]>
<![CDATA[How Did America Inspire Indonesian Revolution? ]]>
<![CDATA[Susilo, I Basis]]>;
<![CDATA[Pratamasari, Annisa]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 12 No. 2 (2018): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.119-130
<![CDATA[This paper examines the American Revolution as an inspiration for Indonesia's founding fathers to fight for their nation's independence in 1945. This paper was sparked by the existence of the pamphlet ‘It's 1776 in Indonesia' published in 1948 in the United States which presupposes the link between Indonesian Revolution and the American Revolution. The basic assumption of this paper is that Indonesian founding fathers were inspired by the experiences of other nations, including the Americans who abolished the British colonization of 13 colonies in North American continent in the eigthenth century. American inspiration on the struggle for Indonesian independence was examined from the spoken dan written words of three Indonesian founding fathers: Achmad Soekarno, Mohamad Hatta and Soetan Sjahrir. This examination produced two findings. First, the two Indonesian founding fathers were inspired by the United States in different capacities. Compared to Hatta and Sjahrir, Soekarno referred and mentioned the United States more frequent. Second, compared to the inspirations from other nations, American inspiration for the three figures was not so strong. This was because the liberal democratic system and the American-chosen capitalist system were not the best alternative for Soekarno, Hatta and Sjahrir. Therefore, the massive exposition of the 1776 Revolution in 1948 was more of a tactic on the Indonesian struggle to achieve its national objectives at that time, as it considered the United States as the most decisive international post-World War II political arena.]]>
<![CDATA[A Coxian Approach: Mengungkap Hegemoni Agenda "Education For All” Terhadap Negara Berkembang ]]>
<![CDATA[Kusumawardhana, Indra]]>;
<![CDATA[Bainus, Arry]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 12 No. 2 (2018): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.53-68
<![CDATA[Artikel ini fokus kepada dinamika agenda Education for All (EFA) sebagai agenda pendidikan dunia yang telah digaungkan sejak dua dasawarsa kebelakang. Ironisnya, setelah 15 tahun EFA dilaksanakan hingga paripurna di tahun 2015 silam, realitas implementasi dari EFA sebagai komitmen dunia tidak seindah tujuan mulia yang digaungkannya. Berdasarkan problematika tersebut, pertanyaan utama yang akan diajukan dalam artikel ini adalah bagaimana EFA sebagai agenda pendidikan global membenamkan hegemoni terhadap trajektori kebijakan pendidikan negara – negara berkembang? menggunakan pendekatan Cox dalam memahami World Orders sebagai sebuah arena tempat kekuatan sosial diproduksi; artikel ini mengklaim bahwasanya hegemoni etis EFA sebagai sebuah agenda pendidikan dunia terhadap negara – negara berkembang berpijak pada proses institutionalisasi agenda pendidikan secara global menggunakan keberadaan organisasi internasional, kapasitas material agenda yang ditopang oleh negara-negara maju, dan ide universal untuk membangun konsensus global terkait trajektori pendidikan dunia.]]>
<![CDATA[Globalization and Gender Studies: Gender Equality Points of SDG's in Effect to Timor Leste's Society Study Case ]]>
<![CDATA[Azzahra, Fitra Shaumi]]>;
<![CDATA[Aushafina, Athaya]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 12 No. 2 (2018): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.81-90
<![CDATA[After gaining independence in 2002, Timor Leste set a goal for its national development as its first order of business. Timor Leste ratified Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in order to receive aid and assistance from member states of the United Nations more developed than they were. In 2013, various media outlets and non-governmental organizations highlighted significant growth that Timor Leste showed in matters of gender equality. The country became the only Pacific Asian state to have up to 38 percent of their parliament seats be occupied by women. The high level of women's representation in Timor Leste's government is seen as a way to achieve SDGs and to embody gender equality. However, in reality women still face problems of discrimination on the societal level, as seen from the still all too common occurrences of sexual harassment, as well as accessibility to jobs and education for women which are still far from the standards expected by SDGs. This article argues that the SDG as a form of globalization had not succeeded in homogenizing the culture that applies in Timor Leste. Thus, the top-down structure do not bring any implications towards the needs of women in the country. This article aims to assess the gender-gap phenomenon using three main globalization approaches mainly: homogenized globalization, polarized globalization and the hybrid type of globalization. In the end, this article will also argue that it is more relevant to see current world's culture as a product of hybrid globalization rather than homogenized or polarized globalization especially when it comes to seeing the phenomenon in Third World countries such as Timor Leste.]]>
