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<![CDATA[Dancing around the Cauldron with Rangda, the Balinese widow-witch: Exploring gender relations and attitudes toward women and children in Southeast Asia ]]>
<![CDATA[Kathleen Nadeau]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 33 No. 4 (2020): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V33I42020.364-370
<![CDATA[By taking a cross-cultural approach based on library research, content analysis, and fieldwork in the Philippines, this paper compares Southeast Asian and European tales. The Southeast Asian tales are rooted in local philosophical and cultural traditions. Balinese literature is replete with descriptions of rituals to ward off vampires. The flying half-bodied Aswangs in the Philippines, like their Malaysian sisterlings, can be shown to bear some resemblance to Balinese witches who culminate in the Rangda, the queen of witches. The Balinese ritual battle between the troubled widow witch Rangda and the gentle Barong offers a circular view of history that arguably holds to a universal notion of good and evil. In contrast, European witch tales can be traced back to the hysterical witch hunts and persecution of female midwives and healers in Medieval times that were perceived as threatening the power and authority of male doctors, priests, and landed government officials. The conclusion is that Southeast Asian lore connotes a different set of gender relations and attitudes toward women and children than European origin.]]>
<![CDATA[The desire of power: Candidate ambiguity and incumbent monopoly in local leaders’ election ]]>
<![CDATA[Erond L. Damanik]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 33 No. 3 (2020): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V33I32020.286-298
<![CDATA[This study explores and discusses the phenomenon of a single candidate in the local leaders’ election or Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) in Deli Serdang Regency, North Sumatra Province, in 2018. The study is motivated by the phenomenon of a single candidate in the local leaders’ election. In Deli Serdang, the local leaders’ election should have a multi-candidate pattern, either independent or 3-4 political party candidates. This study has focused on the mechanism of the emergence of a single candidate. According to Dahl, the theoretical approach is the candidacy mechanism, and according to Norris, the significance of the right to vote. The study was conducted qualitatively with an ongoing explorative, independent, and case-oriented study approach. The data collected through in-depth interviews with nine key informants consisting of the Political Party Branch Management Board or Dewan Pimpinan Cabang (DPC), the General Elections Commission or Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU), the Election Supervisory Committee or Panitia Pengawas Pemilihan (Panwaslih), independent, failed, and incumbent candidates. The sixteen secondary informants consisted of eight voting behaviors and eight non-voting behaviors randomly selected and interviewed to determine their perception of a single candidate. The study found that a single candidate is the logical consequence of ambiguity in an internal political party candidacy. The study’s novelty is the exclusion of incumbent ruling candidates incentivizing a political party monopoly to ensure victory in contestation. The study concluded that the dysfunction of the candidacy and exclusion in power has implications for a single candidate in the local leaders’ election. Contestation with a single candidate’s presence is an uncontested election, and it is contrary to the theoretical paradigm referred to in this study.]]>
<![CDATA[The public rights to the sidewalk in a smart city framework: The case study of Surabaya ]]>
<![CDATA[Siti Aminah]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 34 No. 2 (2021): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V34I22021.221-234
<![CDATA[The pedestrian transformation in Surabaya smart city system encountered critical problem for pedestrians because transformation as a public space has reduced citizens’ rights to the city. Dominant forces tend to subordinate street vendors or Pedagang Kaki Lima (PKL), who require public space. The city or urban government produces pedestrians as public spaces to support the ‘Smart City’ concept. This study explores the government’s ability to guarantee citizens’ rights to the city. In addition, this study seeks to observe the process of public space transformation in cities that implement smart city systems and analyze spatial street vendors’ practices in the pedestrian space. This research applies the right to cities and public space from a Marxian spatial perspective. This research is a case study that uses a qualitative method and interpretive analysis. Research findings indicate pedestrians’ paradox due to the government’s dispossession process to protect pedestrians through ‘furniturization’ policies that reduce smart city implementation. In conclusion, there are dynamics of spatial practice and social expression as pedestrian problems. The smart city system’s implementation causes the loss of fulfillment of the poor and street vendors’ needs and rights to participate inclusively in the social and political process in managing the city’s public spaces.]]>
<![CDATA[Tourism village development study: Lesson learned from Flory Village, Sleman Regency, Yogyakarta ]]>
<![CDATA[Ali Roziqin]]>;
<![CDATA[Zharfa Syarafina]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 34 No. 2 (2021): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V34I22021.173-183
<![CDATA[Flory Village is one of the tourism villages based on ecotourism in Sleman Regency. The formation of Flory Village is inseparable from the role of tourism aware group (Pokdarwis). The existence of village tourism destinations has a positive impact on rural economic development and regional tourism. This study explores how Flory Village and the community manage tourism. This research used descriptive qualitative which were analyzed using the Miossec model through the components of transportation, facilities, attitudes towards tourists, and the role of stakeholders. The result is that there are two tourism village groups, namely Dewi Flory and Taruna Tani who have succeeded in developing their tourism potential based on their respective characteristics. Dewi Flory focuses on educational tourism, making salted eggs, nata de coco, vegetable gardening, and outbound tourism in three rides: water rides, dry rides, and mini forests. Furthermore, Taruna Tani focuses on agriculture, such as ornamental plants and fruits, and village culinary tours. The four lessons from the management of a tourism village by two Pokdarwis in Flory Village are consistent innovation, management commitment, utilization of local human resources, and collaboration with other parties.]]>
<![CDATA[The use of social media among Indonesia’s Migrant Workers (IMWs) ]]>
<![CDATA[Citra Hennida]]>;
<![CDATA[Kandi Aryani]]>;
<![CDATA[Sri Endah Kinasih]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 34 No. 1 (2021): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V34I12021.13-22
<![CDATA[Netizens often use social media as a medium for activism, including Indonesia’s Migrant Workers (IMWs). Social media with networked characteristics has succeeded in lifting narratives in particular groups that have not been heard a lot and have escaped mainstream media scrutiny. Starting from the development of communication between IMWs, we raise the extent to which IMWs use social media as a medium for social activism, especially for IMWs protection issues and social media’s main content uploaded IMWs. This study aims to analyze to what extent social media is used by IMWs for social activism related to issues concerning the protection of migrant workers and what influences their behavior when using social media. We use a social media activism framework within the social media platform. Researchers collected data from March-October 2019 through participant observation, in-depth interviews, and focused discussions that presented 15 representatives from assistants, NGOs, and academics in Malang. There were also 25 IMWs representatives with placement experience in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Malaysia, and Saudi Arabia. We found that the majority of IMWs use social media as a means of communicating between themselves and their families in the country; however, social media content for social activism is low, especially for the issue of IMWs protection. The culture and legal system in the countries of origin and destination countries influence the low level of participation in the content they create. IMWs is placed in a country with a more open culture, where local laws are more apparent in the protection of IMWs, so IMW’s social media content is more open and willing to provide testimony on the problems that exist around them and vice versa. Therefore, although social media is massive among IMWs, it is not linear with content production that leads to protection.]]>
<![CDATA[The shift towards democratic governance: System change versus regime change analysis in The Gambia 2017-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Sunkung Danso]]>;
<![CDATA[Sulikah Asmorowati]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 33 No. 4 (2020): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V33I42020.339-351
<![CDATA[Democratic governance has been seen as a catalyst for inclusive growth and meaningful development in many countries. Shifting from authoritarian rule to more democratic rule has also been seen as essential for many governments worldwide. Democratic governance is often a problem for developing countries, including most African countries and particularly The Gambia. This paper analyses the shift towards a more democratic governance style that is heated debated in The Gambia. The debate started when one of the coalition government members asserted that they could achieve regime change; however, a democratic system change remains lacking. This paper has sought to analyze whether the shift toward a more democratic leadership style in The Gambia is one of system change or regime change and ascertain what has democratically changed and bad governance in the new government. This article’s main objective is to create political awareness and enlighten the readers on the change’s misconceptions towards democratic governance. The discussion focuses on democratic governance and the collective action theory of governance to explain the democratic process in New Gambia. This study adopts qualitative case study research methods; the research employed a systematic review of the existing scholarly journal articles, books, newspapers, and television interview recordings. The observation used to identify, understand, and interpret the democratic governance situation in The Gambia from 2017 to 2019. The findings show that the coalition government has succeeded in achieving a democratic regime change; however, the democratic system change itself is too slow, or it is not happening. For the first time in The Gambia’s history, a seating president defeat through the ballot box. In conclusion, the democratic governance system change is far-fetched. It is vital to state that there is little or no difference between Jammeh’s regime and the current regime under President Barrow’s leadership. The same problems continue to persist. Finally, the transparency and accountability mechanisms must be enhanced to address the endemic problem of corruption.]]>
<![CDATA[Women’s subordination in premarital pregnancy ]]>
<![CDATA[Ni Made Tantri Chandra]]>;
<![CDATA[Emy Susanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Karen Mwende Kinuthia]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 33 No. 3 (2020): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V33I32020.238-247
<![CDATA[The presence of patriarchal culture can be found in most regions of Indonesia, including Bali. The patriarchal culture in Bali tends to be more rigid because of the Balinese belief that any offspring, especially men, will not only continue the responsibilities of the parents in terms of the social life of the community; however, they also expected to carry out the ceremonies of death for their parents. They are trusted to help their parents reach the creator easily. The Balinese culture has been dominated by patriarchy for a long time and has continued developing to this day. Patriarchal power is increasingly persistent when it comes to power in Bali. As a result, women in Bali are still considered subordinate creatures under the patriarchy’s control and bondage. The phenomenon of premarital pregnancy in Bali is a reflection of the new way that men dominate women. The approach used in this study is Michel Foucault’s theory of power. The method used was qualitative research with in-depth interviews with 18 informants who were native Balinese. This research was conducted in Denpasar, Singaraja, and Badung City. The results of this study found that the social reality of premarital pregnancy in the urban areas of Bali’s Island is inseparable from the influence of the social discourse behind the apparent reality. The discourse then obtains the legitimacy of truth from the family and produces new knowledge to believe the truth. In this social reality, premarital pregnancy has made Balinese women significantly disadvantaged and increasingly subordinated.]]>
<![CDATA[The symbolic meaning of Lulo dance: Tolaki tribe culture as communication medium ]]>
<![CDATA[Mega Alma Narwasty]]>;
<![CDATA[Pamerdi Giri Wiloso]]>;
<![CDATA[Gatot Sasongko]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 34 No. 2 (2021): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V34I22021.159-172
<![CDATA[Indonesia consists of various ethnic groups; the traditions and culture of each are different and have meaning. One of them is the Lulo dance from Southeast Sulawesi, which provides meaning and benefits to its supporters. This study aims to describe the Lulo dance movements’ meaning in the culture of the Tolaki tribe and its use as a traditional communication medium in maintaining harmonious and peaceful relations amid Indonesian society’s situations with so many different. This research used qualitative methods with descriptive analysis. The symbols of dance movements are analyzed with Barthes’s semiotic theory through two stages of signification to get Lulo dance’s meaning. Based on this study’s results, the symbolic messages conveyed in this dance have a meaning that identifies unity, harmony, and mutual respect for differences. The message is packed with movements displayed in dance performance: the hands hold each other, the movements of the hands and feet, and the formation in a circle. Lulo dance, which is also called social dance, can be followed by everyone without exception. Therefore, this dance can strengthen the relationships between every human being. The Lulo dance performance is one of Southeast Sulawesi traditions used to achieve a harmonious and peaceful social life.]]>
<![CDATA[Community empowerments strategy for economic opportunities in Selayar Islands Regency, South Sulawesi ]]>
<![CDATA[Ilham Junaid]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 34 No. 1 (2021): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V34I12021.72-80
<![CDATA[Indonesia is an archipelagic state with considerable potential as tourism destinations, yet that potential has not been fully maximized. This paper aims to examine the opportunity and potential of Gusung Island as tourism resources and propose possible strategies to manage the tourism resources of Gusung Island, Selayar Islands Regency. The research was conducted in July and August 2019 on Gusung Island, Selayar Islands Regency, South Sulawesi Province by applying qualitative research methods. Methods of data collection are through in-depth interviews with the fishing community and their families, direct observation or observation in Gusung Island, and focused discussions held in Benteng City, Selayar Islands Regency. The research reveals that marine tourism and local community activities have a considerable potential to support Gusung Island as a tourism destination. Strategies for community empowerment include educating and facilitating community for hospitality skills, creating tourism packages by involving the tourism industry and the local community, strengthening the working group’s role in managing the tourism resources of Gusung Island. Sustainable tourism may be booming if the local community organizations play a pivotal role in facilitating the local community to preserve the environment.]]>
<![CDATA[Political trust of the Dayak Paser indigenous law community regarding the capital city relocation policy ]]>
<![CDATA[Tengku Imam Syarifuddin]]>;
<![CDATA[Dian Eka Rahmawati]]>;
<![CDATA[Dafid Efendi]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 33 No. 4 (2020): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V33I42020.393-404
<![CDATA[The country’s capital will succeed if it works well as the national government center, a prosperous and livable city. As the country’s multifunctional capital, Jakarta has undoubtedly caused many social, political, and economic problems that are difficult to overcome. This article aims to determine the political trust in the indigenous law community of Dayak Paser concerning the national capital relocation policy, using qualitative analysis consisting of a literature study approach with Nvivo 12 Plus application to analyze the data derived from internet websites. The author used government alignments, cultural norms, and economic change as the indicators in this study. The author also separates the community of Dayak Paser into the indigenous law community and the indigenous leaders. The result is that the members of the indigenous law communities prefer the sustainability of the cultural norms. The dominant indigenous figures prefer the government’s alignments. If the government guarantees the standard order, then the indigenous law community’s site and rights will not go extinct. Indigenous leaders and the members of the indigenous law community are equally subordinate to the economic factors. The conclusion that the government’s alignment toward sustainability cultural norms affects the economic changes. The author also recommends that the country’s capital design should use a metaphorical concept approach.]]>
