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<![CDATA[BUPATI PEREMPUAN PERTAMA DI LAMPUNG DAN KEGAGALAN CALON PETAHANA PADA PILKADA DI LAMPUNG TIMUR TAHUN 2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hertanto Hertanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Handi Mulyaningsih]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Mimbar Demokrasi Vol 16 No 2 (2017): Jurnal Ilmiah Mimbar Demokrasi Volume 16 No. 2 April 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi PPKn FIS UNJ & Asosiasi Profesi PPKn Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.21009/jimd.v16i2.8757
<![CDATA[In Indonesia, women were elected as governors, regents, mayors and deputy regional head is still small. The same phenomenon occurred in Lampung during the election period of 2005-2014, not a single female candidate was elected as regional head and deputy regional head. New on the elections in 2015 elected two women as East Lampung Regent (Chusnunia Chalim) and Vice Regent of Pesisir Barat (Erlina). The purpose of this study to determine the factors Chusnunia Chalim victory (and a couple Zaiful Bokhari) in local elections in East Lampung district in 2015. Theoretical framework used to explain the modalities of political contestation of the election, assuming that the candidate that wins must have the capital that includes political capital, social capital, and economic capital. This study used a descriptive approach qualitative research informants the winning team mate Chusnunia Chalim and Zaiful Bokhari, Commissioner of the East Lampung Regency, local community leaders, and some leaders of political parties bearers and supporters of the candidate. Discussion of the results showed that women's involvement in political elections and local governments began to seem real. Chusnunia because social capital is consolidated with the political capital of the bearers of political parties (PKB and PD) and the PDI-P supporters of political parties. This victory more dominant factor in social capital and strengthened by the political capital that appears at times the last round of the campaign. Social capital is obtained from the ethnic affiliation of voters with candidates and religious culture of the majority of the population of East Lampung. Meanwhile, the advantage of the element of political capital gained from the failure of incumbent candidates in the voting stage. So that prospective incumbent and its main bearers of political parties, PDI-P, shift support to Chusnunia.]]>
<![CDATA[PERILAKU MEMILIH MAHASISWA PADA PEMILIHAN UMUM TAHUN 2014 DI LAMPUNG ]]>
<![CDATA[Hertanto Hertanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Mimbar Demokrasi Vol 14 No 2 (2015): Jurnal Ilmiah Mimbar Demokrasi Volume 14 No. 2 April 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi PPKn FIS UNJ & Asosiasi Profesi PPKn Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.21009/jimd.v14i2.9104
<![CDATA[This study aims to: (1) identify trends in students in selecting candidates and political parties, (2) know the reasons students choose candidates and political parties, and (3) explain the factors that led to the student in choosing difficult. To explain the purpose of this study used a behavioral approach choosing (voting behavior). While the types of research using qualitative methods of data collection through interviews and open questionnaires. The results showed that (1) students tend to choose based nationalist political party, the PDI-P, the Democratic Party, and Gerindra. In selecting candidates for the legislature and the executive (the prospective governor/vice governor), students tend to prefer candidates who are well known and have an emotional attachment; (2) The reasons students choose a political party because he felt the presence of emotional closeness with the concerned parties or the candidates (candidates) are carried by the parties concerned. (3) Students assume the 2014 election had a lot of trouble to vote, because it is only 9.58% which assumes no difficulty in choosing. While the cause is considered to be the most difficult in choosing is non-technical factors such as too many candidates, the candidates are not known, ballots that are too big, and not accompanied by photographs candidates (DPRD).]]>
<![CDATA[Menakar Partisipasi Pemilih Pemula dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Masa Pandemi Covid-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Khairunnisa Maulida]]>;
<![CDATA[Hertanto Hertanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Robi Cahyadi Kurniawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Arizka Warganegara]]>
<![CDATA[ PERSPEKTIF Vol 11, No 1 (2022): PERSPEKTIF - January ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Medan Area ]]>
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DOI: 10.31289/perspektif.v11i1.5556
<![CDATA[This article aims to measure the participation of novice voters in the regional head election during the Covid-19 pandemic in the election of mayor and deputy mayor in Bandar Lampung in 2020. The problem is focused on beginner voters who have a strategic position in the 2020 Bandar Lampung Election. beginners in the 2019 election is 20% of the total voter turnout as a whole. In order to approach this problem, Gabriel Almond's theoretical reference on forms of political participation is used. The data was collected through an online survey using google form and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that, first, 92% of respondents know that in December 2020 in Bandar Lampung there will be an election for Wakot and 79.5% of novice voters exercise their right to vote voluntarily. Second, 47.3% of novice voters have protested against policies made by the government and 70.5% of respondents did not participate in the public debate of the mayor and deputy mayor of Bandar Lampung in 2020. Third, novice voters in choosing a candidate for mayor and the deputy mayor is not influenced by money politics with a percentage of 96.4%. Fourth, 81.3% of novice voters answered that they were not influenced by their parents in using their right to vote and Awareness of novice voters using their right to vote as citizens was 97.3%.]]>
<![CDATA[Pelanggaran Administrasi Pemilu Penyelenggaraan Pemungutan Suara Ulang Pada Pemilu Serentak 2019 Di Kabupaten Bangka Tengah ]]>
<![CDATA[Ricky Febriansyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Hertanto Hertanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Arizka Warganegara]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Pemerintahan dan Politik Vol 6, No 2 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIVERSITAS INDO GLOBAL MANDIRI ]]>
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DOI: 10.36982/jpg.v6i2.1631
<![CDATA[The reason for the recommendation of Re-Voting (PSU) by the Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu) of Central Bangka Regency is that voters who do not have the right to get votes are given the opportunity to exercise their rights. This is an indication of the election administration violation and negligence of the Voting Organizing Group (KPPS) in carrying out its duties and obligations. PSU took place at TPS 10 Beluluk Village and TPS 04 Air Mesu Village, Pangkalan Baru District. This study aims to determine the electoral administration violations and negligence of the KPPS as the cause of the Bawaslu recommendation. By using descriptive qualitative research methods through interviews with election organizers, literature study and documentation. The results showed administrative violations because the KPPS had difficulties in distinguishing the types of voters. The negligence of KPPS is a form of accidental duty caused by the lack of understanding of KPPS, heavy workload, pressure from voters who are enthusiastic, lack of coordination between TPS supervisors and KPPS and KPPS feels experienced.Keywords: Administrative Violations, Negligence, Voting Again (PSU)]]>
<![CDATA[PERSEPSI MAHASISWA TERHADAP SOLIDARITAS SOSIAL DAN INTEGRASI BANGSA (Survei Kualitatif Pada Mahasiswa FISIP Universitas Lampung) ]]>
<![CDATA[Hertanto Hertanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Arizka Warganegara]]>;
<![CDATA[Handi Mulyaningsih]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Antropologi: Isu-Isu Sosial Budaya Vol 23, No 2 (2021): (December) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/jantro.v23.n2.p165-174.2021
<![CDATA[Researches conducted by the Indonesian Institute of Science (LIPI) and the Indonesian National Counter-Terrorism Agency (BNPT) have revealed that students in some of the major universities in Indonesia have become potentially radical. This study aims to: (a) find out students' perceptions on social solidarity; (b) understand the student perceptions on national integration; (c) analyze the potential of being radical among the students. We conducted a qualitative survey to analyze the student’s perception of radicalism, social integration, and national integration. The study results show that: first, the majority of informants have a positive perception toward social solidarity to their fellow citizens in the community who have a different social, cultural, religious, ethnicity and language background. Second, the majority of informants have a very positive perception of national integration. Third, there is no indication of increasing radical behavior among FISIP University of Lampung’s students.]]>
<![CDATA[STRATEGI KPU KOTA METRO DALAM PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA PERSELISIHAN HASIL PEMILU PADA PEMILU 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Eni Lestari]]>;
<![CDATA[Hertanto Hertanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Robi Cahyadi Kurniawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Independen Vol 2, No 1 (2021): INDEPENDEN: Jurnal Politik Indonesia dan Global ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Independen ]]>
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DOI: 10.24853/independen.2.1.21-32
<![CDATA[KPU Kota Metro mengalami sengketa gugatan perselisihan hasil pemilu 2019 dari salah satu partai politik peserta pemilu yakni PKS Kota Metro. Penelitian ini bertujuan (1) mengetahui faktor penyebab terjadinya sengketa perselisihan hasil Pemilu 2019 di Kota Metro (2) mengetahui strategi resolusi KPU Kota Metro dalam menyelesaikan sengketa perselisihan hasil Pemilu 2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan: Pertama, faktor yang menyebabkan konflik ada dua yaitu faktor internal dan faktor eksternal. Faktor internal meliputi kurangnya pemahaman petugas KPPS, faktor kelelahan, perbedaan pendapat serta adanya pihak yang merasa dirugikan. Faktor eksternalnya adalah masifnya pemberitaan tentang KPU Kota Metro dibeberapa media yang mempengaruhi suasana politik serta adanya indikasi faktor kepentingan dari salah satu partai politik. Kedua, KPU Kota Metro dalam menyelesaikan sengketa tersebut melakukan komunikasi politik formal dengan PKS Kota Metro tetapi hal tersebut tidak membuahkan hasil sehingga PKS Kota Metro melayangkan gugatan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi. KPU Kota Metro dalam menghadapi gugatan tersebut menerapkan tiga strategi manajemen konflik yaitu (a) menghindar dengan tidak memberikan kontra opini terhadap pemberitaan media massa dan media sosial tetapi hanya sekedar memberikan jawaban normatif apabila ada yang meminta klarifikasi, (b) berkolaborasi dengan KPU Provinsi, KPU Pusat untuk meminta arahan dan badan adhoc dalam rangka persamaan persepsi serta Bawaslu Kota Metro terkait dokumen yang kurang dipersidangan, dan (c) berkompetisi dengan pihak pemohon untuk memenangkan gugatan di Mahkamah Konstitusi. Strategi ini efektif dilihat dengan dimenangkannya gugatan tersebut dan keputusannya dapat diterima oleh PKS Kota Metro dan pendukungnya.]]>
<![CDATA[Networking Institutionalism oleh Kaukus Perempuan Parlemen Lampung dalam Mengoptimalkan Kebijakan Gender ]]>
<![CDATA[Robi Cahyadi Kurniawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Khairunnisa Maulida]]>;
<![CDATA[Hertanto Hertanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 20 No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau ]]>
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DOI: 10.35967/njip.v20i2.158
<![CDATA[The representation of women in parliament is still far from the quota that has been determined in the policy, which is 30% so that the role of women in parliament is still not optimal in fighting for pro-gender equality. The method in this study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive approach, with a number of informants as many as 11 informants with details 2 from the Lampung Parliamentary Women's Caucus management, 6 from government officials in Lampung Province and 1 from public policy observers. The results obtained are that the Parliamentary Women's Caucus in Lampung synergizes with various government agencies in Lampung Province, namely the Office of Women's Empowerment and Child Protection, the General Elections Commission (KPU), collaboration is also carried out with the Damar Non-Governmental Organization, Mass Media and other community organizations that are pro- With gender equality, the goal is to manage the budget and implement work programs, namely optimizing policies that favor gender equality, but from the results of the research the Lampung Women's Parliamentary Caucus has not been able to carry out its role optimally, this is due to a lack of coordination and meetings between the Lampung Parliamentary Women's Caucus officials so that the policy that are in favor of gender also cannot be carried out optimally. 5 aspects of the theory of networking institutionalism, it is known that the organizational aspect is not optimal because there are still internal constraints, namely the lack of intensive coordination between the Lampung Parliamentary Women's Caucus administrators.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Pemenangan Eva Dwiana dan Deddy Amarullah dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Tahun 2020 ]]>
<![CDATA[Khairunnisa Maulida]]>;
<![CDATA[Hertanto Hertanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Robi Cahyadi Kurniawan]]>
<![CDATA[ JIIP: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Sarjana (S1) Ilmu Pemerintahan, FISIP, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jiip.v6i2.11708
<![CDATA[Pasangan calon harus mempunyai strategi untuk bisa memenangkan pemilihan kepala daerah. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui strategi pemenangan Eva Dwiana dan Deddy Amarullah dalam Pemilihan Walikota dan Wakil Walikota Bandar Lampung tahun 2020, selanjutnya penulis ingin mengungkap faktor utama kemenangan Eva Dwiana dan Deddy Amarullah yang bisa mengalahkan petahana. Adapun metode penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan data yang bersumber dari hasil wawancara dengan beberapa informan serta dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa strategi pemenangan yang lebih berpengaruh dalam kemenangan Eva Dwiana dan Deddy Amarullah adalah strategi pendukung sumber daya dan strategi kelembagaan. Strategi pendukung sumber daya terdiri dari sumber tenaga yakni partai pengusung dan pendukung serta tim pemenangan sedangkan sumber keuangan yakni bersumber dari dana pribadi yang lebih besar dibandingkan pasangan calon lain. Strategi kelembagaan yakni partai politik, relawan, Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat dan Majelis Taklim Rahmat Hidayat yang dipimpin langsung oleh Eva Dwiana.]]>
<![CDATA[STRATEGI PEMENUHAN HAK ELEKTORAL KELOMPOK MINORITAS SUKU ANAK DALAM SUB-ETNIS ORANG RIMBA OLEH KPU BATANGHARI, JAMBI, INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Hertanto Hertanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Sindung Haryanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Tabah Maryanah]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 6, No 1 (2021): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v6i1.32262
<![CDATA[Hak politik elektoral atau hak untuk ikut serta memilih dalam pemilihan umum merupakan hak yang dimiliki oleh setiap orang. Faktanya hak tersebut masih sulit diperoleh terutama pada kelompok masyarakat minoritas. Tujuan kajian ini untuk mengungkap penyebab Orang Rimba tidak memiliki Kartu Tanda Penduduk Elektronik dan bagaimana strategi Komisi Pemilihan Umum Kabupaten Batanghari dalam mengupayakan terpenuhinya hak politik elektoral Orang Rimba pada Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif berupa studi kasus tipe ekstrim terbanyak. Data dikumpulkan melalui focus group discussion, wawancara mendalam, dan dokumentasi. Kemudian analisis data menggunakan matriks peranan dalam kelompok. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa ada tiga penyebab Orang Rimba tidak memiliki KTP-el, yaitu: cara hidup yang berpindah-pindah, keyakinan Orang Rimba, dan tidak adanya aturan khusus bagi Orang Rimba dalam pembuatan KTP-el. Strategi KPUD Batanghari untuk memenuhi hak politik elektoral Orang Rimba ada tiga, yaitu: pertama, strategi pada tahap pendataan pemilih yang dilakukan dengan cara memasukkan data Orang Rimba ke dalam formulir AC. Kedua, strategi pada tahap pemungutan suara, yaitu dengan cara menyediakan TPS khusus untuk Orang Rimba. Ketiga, strategi berkoordinasi dengan para pemangku kepentingan yakni bekerja sama dengan Disdukcapil dan Kejaksaan Negeri Batanghari dan Dirjen Disdukcapil Kemdendagri serta pemimpin Orang Rimba, yakni ‘Temenggung’ dan penghubung Orang Rimba dengan orang luar, yakni ‘Jenang’. Selain itu juga melakukan konsultasi dengan KPU Provinsi Jambi dan KPU RI.]]>
<![CDATA[Disrupsi Politik: Peluang dan Tantangan Partai Politik Baru Jelang Pemilu 2024 ]]>
<![CDATA[Fitria Barokah]]>;
<![CDATA[Tabah Maryanah]]>;
<![CDATA[Ari Darmastuti]]>;
<![CDATA[Hertanto Hertanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 21 No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau ]]>
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DOI: 10.35967/njip.v21i1.273
<![CDATA[In 2024, there will be a grand election based on the decision of the Indonesian KPU No. 21 of 2022, there are six newcomer parties that have already pocketed a ratification decree from the Legal Entity and the Ministry of Law and Human Rights and are ready to develop a strategy to participate in the contestation. This article discusses the opportunities and challenges of the emergence of new parties faced in the era of disruption by utilizing information technology in facing the 2024 election competition. The writing method uses a literature review and data that will be obtained through literature studies, such as books, scientific journals, websites, and other things. Things that are relevant to the problem under study. The results and analysis in this paper indicate that the presence of a new party in the upcoming 2024 elections will be political years that are on the verge of vulnerability and division, while a powerful strategy to minimize divisions is to instill an internal party democracy system, so that internal conflicts between members in the party does not happen again. Another challenge is that disruption will hijack the role of political parties if political parties are reluctant to follow the flow of disruption. In the era of disruption, the emergence of political parties provides opportunities for mass mobilization during campaigns using social media which is considered more effective and has a broad and equitable reach. In addition, disruption can be used by political parties for party branding strategies. However, the bad impact of this disruption can lead to social media wars between political parties on various social media pages such as the spread of hoax news.]]>
