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All Journal Jurnal Tapis : Jurnal Teropong Aspirasi Politik Islam Journal of Governance JISPO (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik) AL-Hikmah: Jurnal Studi Agama-agama Politea Madani Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik AL IMARAH : JURNAL PEMERINTAHAN DAN POLITIK ISLAM Al-Mutharahah: Jurnal Penelitian dan Kajian Sosial Keagamaan Al Qisthas : Jurnal Hukum dan Politik JURNAL AL-AQIDAH Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Malikussaleh (JSPM) NEGREI: Academic Journal of Law and Governance Jurnal Penyuluhan Agama Jurnal Penelitian Agama Alfuad: Jurnal Sosial Keagamaan Menara Pengabdian Jurnal Review Politik Politik Islam Alfuad: Jurnal Sosial Keagamaan
Mhd Alfahjri Sukri
Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Mahmud Yunus Batusangkar
Religion Agriculture, Biological Sciences & Forestry Arts Humanities Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Environmental Science Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences Other

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PANDANGAN KETUA HIMPUNAN MAHASISWA JURUSAN (HMJ) UIN MAHMUD YUNUS BATUSANGKAR TENTANG MAKNA JIHAD Mhd Alfahjri Sukri; Muhammad Ridwan; Netria Animsi; Widia Nanta Surgawi; Yolanda Saputra
Al Hikmah Vol 8 No 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30651/ah.v8i2.14457

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan pemaknaan tentang jihad dalam pandangan ketua umum Himpunan Mahasiswa Jurusa (HMJ) yang berada dilingkup Fakultas Ushuluddin Adab dan Dakwah (FUAD) UIN Mahmud Yunus Batusangkar. Penelitian dilatarbelakangi oleh penyimpangan makna jihad yang dilakukan oleh kelompok teroris, maka perlu deteksi awal untuk melihat pemahaman jihad yang berkembang di mahasiswa dengan difokuskan terlebih dahulu dalam skala kecil, yaitu ketua HMJ. Metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan data diperoleh langsung melalui wawancara serta sumber lainnya yaitu artikel dan media online. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan, terdapat dua model makna jihad jika merujuk pada pandangan kelima ketua HMJ. Pertama, jihad dimaknai sebagai sebuah “berusaha/perjuangan membela agama Allah” yang disampaikan oleh ketua HMJ Pemikiran Politik Islam (PPI), Komunikasi Penyiaran Islam (KPI), Jurnalistik Islam (JI), dan Pengembangan Masyarakat Islam (PMI). Kedua, jihad diartikan sebagai sebuah “pengorbanan dijalan Allah” yang dijelaskan oleh ketua HMJ Psikologi Islam (PSI). Kelima ketua HMJ tersebut juga menolak aksi-aksi teror yang mengatasnamakan jihad. Bagi mereka, jihad dan terorisme adalah dua hal yang berbeda, dimana jihad untuk kebaikan, sedangkan terorisme bertujuan menyebar ketakutan pada masyarakat. Tidak terdapat pemahaman radikal mengenai arti jihad oleh kelima ketua umum HMJ tersebut.
Modalitas Politik Eka-Richi Dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kabupaten Tanah Datar Tahun 2020 Al Azhar; Akhyar Hanif; Mhd Alfahjri Sukri
Politik Islam Vol 1, No 1 (2022)
Publisher : UIN Mahmud Yunus Batusangkar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31958/pi.v1i1.6721

Abstract

The problem in this study is Eka Richi's Political Modalities in the 2020 Tanah Datar Regional Head Election. The purpose of this discussion is to find out what modalities Eka-Richi has in Winning the 2020 Tanah Datar Election and find out how Eka-Richi used these modalities to win the election. Tanah Datar Pilkada 2020. This descriptive qualitative research method is a research that reveals phenomena that occur in the field, namely about Eka Richi's Political Modalities in the 2020 Tanah Datar Regional Head Election. The results of the study found that: The first finding, Activity/Experience is the community's support for the candidacy of the candidate pairs Eka Putra and Richi Apriadi through the 2020 Tanah Datar district election, cannot be separated from political capital that comes from the role of the candidate pair's organizational activities before advancing in the nomination. Second, Local Political Elite Support is a number of candidate strengths from local political elites from political organizations, social organizations and even political parties who can represent their interests. by finding votes/voter support for candidate pairs. Eka-Richi has relations or insiders both from outside the party or only as sympathizers such as collaborating with all lines of society, both young people and community leaders who are able to make a product that cannot be imitated by other candidate pairs, namely free plows. , one event one village. Second, the problem encountered is the black campaign or black campaign that attacks every segment owned by Eka-Richi. Eka-Richi built such a neat solution in preventing bad things from black campaigns by various parties.
DINAMIKA POLITIK DISETUJUINYA PERPPU NO. 2 TAHUN 2017 TENTANG ORGANISASI KEMASYARAKATAN MENJADI UNDANG-UNDANG NOMOR 16 TAHUN 2017 Mhd Alfahjri Sukri; Muhammad Hasan Syamsudin; Kharisma Firdaus
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Malikussaleh (JSPM) Vol 4, No 2 (2023)
Publisher : FISIP Universitas Malikussaleh

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29103/jspm.v4i2.11295

Abstract

This research aims to analyze the political dynamics of the approval of Perppu No. 2/2017 on community organizations into law. In addition, it also looks at the attitudes of each faction in parliament and its relationship with community organizations, especially those related to religion. The research used a qualitative method with data obtained from DPR meeting minutes, laws and regulations, journals, books, and news from mainstream media. The results showed that the technocratic debate in parliament on the discussion of the Perppu Ormas was that the issuance of the Perppu did not meet the specified requirements, and the substance of the Perppu was still considered problematic. In the discussion, political parties were also not unanimous. The factions that support the Perppu are F-Golkar, PDIP, Golkar, Nasdem, and Hanura. The factions that supported with notes were PPP and PKB from supporting the government and F-Democrats from the opposition. The factions that refused were F-PKS, PAN and Gerindra, where F-PKS and Gerindra are in opposition to the government. Those in favor are the majority of nationalist-secular parties and government coalition parties. As for parties with Islamic ideology, some support with notes and some reject. There are different views in the factions supporting the government, where F-PAN completely rejects, while PKB and PPP continue to support, although with notes. The attitude of Islamic parties cannot be separated from the party's affiliation with Islamic organizations that oppose the Perppu Ormas becoming lawPenelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis dinamika politik disetujuinya perppu nomor 2 tahun 2017 tentang organisasi kemasyarakatan menjadi undang-undang. Selain itu juga melihat dari masing-masing sikap fraksi di parlemen dan hubungannya dengan organisasi kemasyarakatan khususnya yang berkaitan dengan agama. Penelitian menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan data diperoleh dari notulen rapat DPR, aturan perundang-undangan, jurnal, buku, dan berita dari media maestream. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan, perdebatan teknokrat dalam parlemen pada pembahasan Perppu Ormas ini yaitu terbitnya Perppu tidak memenuhi syarat yang ditentukan, dan subtansi dari Perppu yang dianggap masih bermasalah. Dalam pembahasannya, partai politik juga tidak satu suara. Fraksi yang mendukung yaitu F-Golkar, PDIP, Golkar, Nasdem, dan Hanura. Fraksi yang mendukung dengan catatan yaitu PPP dan PKB dari yang mendukung pemerintah serta F-Demokrat dari oposisi. Fraksi yang menolak adalah F-PKS, PAN dan Gerindra, dimana F-PKS dan Gerindra adalah oposisi pemerintah. Kelompok yang mendukung adalah mayoritas partai yang berideologi nasionalis-sekuler dan partai koalisi pemerintah. Adapun partai berideologi Islam, ada yang mendukung dengan catatan dan ada yang menolak. Terdapat perbedaan pandangan pada fraksi pendukung pemerintah, dimana F-PAN sepenuhnya menolak, sedangkan PKB dan PPP tetap mendukung, walaupun dengan catatan. Sikap partai Islam ini tak lepas dari afiliasi partai dengan organisasi Islam yang menentang Perppu Ormas tersebut menjadi undang-undang. 
ISLAM DAN PANCASILA DALAM PEMIKIRAN MOHAMMAD NATSIR Mhd Alfahjri Sukri
Alfuad: Jurnal Sosial Keagamaan Vol 3, No 1 (2019)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Mahmud Yunus Batusangkar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31958/jsk.v3i1.1490

Abstract

This research was conducted to see how Mohammad Natsir thought about the relationship between Islam and Pancasila. This study also explains the causes of Natsir's change of mind which initially supported Pancasila as part of Islam and later turned into an opponent of Pancasila in Konstituante on 11 November to 6 December 1957. The methodology used was a qualitative method by describing the results of the analysis carried out. The research data is obtained through a review of documents and scientific literature. The results of the study show that Mohammad Natsir's change of mind regarding the relationship between Islam and Pancasila was influenced by Mohammad Natsir's political socialization which began from Natsir's view of Islam influenced by the childhood environment (conditional and socio-cultural) in Minangkabau; direct influence from national figures such as Ahmad Hassan, H. Agus Salim, Sheikh Ahmad Syurkati and H. O Tjokroaminoto; the indirect influence of international figures throughout reading book such as Hassan Al-Banna, Amir Syakib Arselan, Rashid Ridha and Muhammad Abduh; the influence of Natsir's organization and political parties, namely Jong Islamieten Bond (JIB), Islamic Unity (Persis), and Masyumi political parties; and the influence of the political conditions at that time which made Natsir's views change, which initially accepted Pancasila and then became an opponent of the Pancasila. This research shown there are two patterns of Natsir's relationship with Pancasila, namely (1) Natsir accepted Pancasila and, (2) Natsir opposed Pancasila.
Makna Jihad Dalam Pandangan Organisasi Keagamaan Mahasiswa Universitas Islam Negeri Mahmud Yunus Ramadhani, Rindi; Effendi , Azri; Citra, Yulia; Fadila, Citra; Sukri, Mhd Alfahjri
Jurnal Penelitian Agama Vol. 25 No. 1 (2024)
Publisher : LPPM UIN Saizu Purwokerto

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24090/jpa.v25i1.2024.pp1-15

Abstract

Aksi-aksi teror yang mengatasnamakan jihad membuat arti jihad menjadi buruk. Makna ini oleh pelaku teror dicoba untuk disusupkan ke dalam kampus-kampus di Indonesia, terutama kepada mahasiswa yang memiliki semangat keagamaan yang tinggi. Berangkat dari sana, penelitian ini menganalisis bagaimana makna jihad dalam pandangan organisasi keagamaan dalam kampus dengan melakukan penelitian pada Unit Kegiatan Mahasiswa (UKM) Tilawah dan Lembaga Dakwah Kampus (LDK) Ar Ruhul Jadid UIN Mahmud Yunus Batusangkar. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif, dengan data didapatkan melalui studi pustaka dan wawancara. Hasil penelitian menujukkan, UKM Tilawah dan LDK Ar Ruhul Jadid menolak jihad yang hanya diartikan sebagai berperang. Menurut kedua organisasi ini jihad memiliki artian yang luas, salah satunya adalah jihadun nafs (jihad melawan hawa nafsu). Kedua organisasi juga menolak tindakan-tindakan kekerasan maupun teror yang mengatasnamakan jihad, karena bagi kedua organisasi itu, Islam merupakan agama yang damai dengan rambu-rambu yang sudah jelas. Pandangan kedua organiasi ini sama dengan pandangan ulama Ibnu Qayyim, Hamka dan Quraish Shibab yang tidak hanya memasukkan arti jihad dalam artian peperangan, tetapi juga memiliki pengertian lain, salah satunya adalah jihad melawan hawa nafsu.
The Role of The Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) in Combating The Covid-19 Pandemic in Indonesia Sukri, Mhd Alfahjri
NEGREI: Academic Journal of Law and Governance Vol. 3 No. 2 (2023)
Publisher : Institut Agama Islam Negeri Curup

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29240/negrei.v3i2.8968

Abstract

The aims of this study were to describe and analyse the role of MUI in an effort to tackle and reduce the impacts of coronavirus (Covid-19) in Indonesia. It used qualitative methods in the form of literature studies using various sources such as scientific work, journals, newspapers, and other related sources. The results showed that MUI as a Religious Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) which oversees Muslims played an important role in dealing with the coronavirus outbreak in Indonesia. This role could be seen from the actions of MUI issued some fatwas and approaches for Muslims and the Indonesian government. Fatwa number 18 of 2020 regarding the guidelines for managing the body, fatwa number 17 of 2020 concerning prayer guidelines for medical personnel, fatwa number 14 of 2020 regarding the conduct of religion in situation of the outbreak of covid-19, fatwa number 2 of 2021 concerning Covid-19 vaccine, etc. MUI also provides suggestions such as prohibiting the public to mudik, following the advice of scientists, and avoiding crowds. Fatwa and MUI advice helped the government in maintain social distance and physical distance as an effort to prevent the further spread of covid-19. The MUI has successfully fulfilled its role as a Religious NGO. Its actions demonstrate that Religious NGOs can make a positive contribution in assisting the government and fostering the development of democracy in Indonesia
Penerapan Demokrasi Lokal Di Kampung Adat Desa Kuala Gasib Kecamatan Koto Gasib Kabupaten Siak Dahlan, Dewi; Fitri, Ulya; Mahmuda, Mahmuda; Budiman, Novi; Sukri, Mhd. Alfahjri
Menara Pengabdian Vol 4, No 1 (2024): Vol. 4 No. 1 Juni 2024
Publisher : LPPM Universitas Muhammadiyah Sumatera Barat

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31869/jmp.v4i1.5596

Abstract

Kegiatan Pengabdian Masyarakat (PKM) ini dilaksanakan di Kampung Adat Desa Kuala Gasib Kecamatan Koto Gasib Kabupaten Siak pada hari Jum’at 04 November – 6 November 2022. Kegiatan ini mengiktsertakan Sejumlah Dosen Jurusan Pemikiran Politik Islam  dari UIN Mahmud Yunus Batusangkar. Kegiatan ini bertujuan untuk meningkatkan kompetensi dosen serta sosialisasi tentang penerapan demokrasi lokal di kampung adat serta sebagai langkah untuk mempromosikan Jurusan Pemikiran Politik Islam ke luar kampus. Kegiatan ini dilaksanakan dengan mengikuti aturan yang tertuang pada Rencana Kerja Anggaran Universitas dalam rincian kertas kerja tahun 2022 bagian sistem tata kelola, kelembagaan dan SDM
Amaliyah and Struggle: Comparation of Interpretations of Muhammadiyah Sumbar and LDII Sumbar Towards Jihad Verses and Hadith Hafizzullah Hafizzullah; Mhd. Alfahjri Sukri; Safriwaldi Safriwaldi
Alfuad: Jurnal Sosial Keagamaan Vol 8, No 1 (2024)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Mahmud Yunus Batusangkar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31958/jsk.v8i1.11838

Abstract

This study aims to describe the construction of religious institutions in West Sumatra, especially Muhammadiyah and the Indonesian Islamic Da'wah Council (LDII) West Sumatra regarding the meaning of jihad, as well as to explain the attitude of these religious institutions towards acts of terror in the name of jihad. Qualitative methods were used in this study with data obtained through interviews, documentation, and literature studies, both from books, scientific articles, books, and news. Social construction theory of Peter L Berger to explain the construction of Muhammadiyah and LDII West Sumatra religious institutions about the meaning of jihad. The results showed that Muhammadiyah West Sumatra interpreted jihad in the form of Jihad Amaliyah. The concept of jihad was revealed in various forms of movement, namely Muhammadiyah as an Islamic Movement, Muhammadiyah as the Amar Ma'ruf Nahi Munkar Islamic Da'wah Movement, Muhammadiyah as the Tajdid Movement. The understanding of jihad is then internalized into various forms of programs ranging from da'wah, education, health, social services and humanity. The LDII defines jihad in the sense of struggle. This understanding of jihad can be seen in the internalization of the five West Sumatra LDII cluster programs. Both institutions both reject the meaning of jihad in the sense of war in the Indonesian context. The jihad that is carried out is moderate.
The Existence of Kerapatan Adat Nagari (KAN) in Society Decision Making: Case Study in Durian Tinggi Zainal Fadri; Mhd. Alfahjri Sukri; Rindi Ramadhani
Alfuad: Jurnal Sosial Keagamaan Vol 8, No 2 (2024)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Mahmud Yunus Batusangkar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31958/jsk.v8i2.13377

Abstract

In general, the aim of this research is to map the existence of the Kerapatan Adat Nagari (KAN) in Nagari Durian Tinggi. The specific objectives are analyzing the structure and function of the KAN and analyzing the degree of power of KAN in government decision making in nagari. This research uses qualitative methods, with a field study approach to collect data. Data was collected through in-depth interviews and observations. The data that has been collected is classified and then made into a code that answers the research questions. The answer to a research question is the results obtained and then reported into a research discussion. The manuscript resulting from this research also wants to be further developed as a form of academic reaction to the condition of KAN in several nagari based on the latest regional regulations, such as the dilemma of positioning the role of KAN which is feared to overlap with the role of the nagari government and also for education for the community in increasing policy on the position of the elements contained in the nagari, both government and non-government or elements of society.
Dinasti Politik di Banten: Familisme, Strategi Politik dan Rendahnya Partisipasi Politik Masyarakat Sukri, Mhd Alfahjri
JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 10 No. 2 (2020): JISPO Vol 10 No 2 2020
Publisher : Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v10i2.8316

Abstract

Tertangkapnya Ratu Atut oleh Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) ternyata tidak menghancurkan dinasti politik keluarga Atut di Banten. Keluarga Atut justru berhasil menang dalam pemilihan kepala daerah tahun 2015 di Kabupaten Serang, Kabupaten Pandeglang, Kota Tangerang Selatan dan pemilihan gubernur Banten tahun 2017. Artikel ini menganalisis penyebab bertahannya dinasti politik keluarga Atut di Banten dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Data yang diperlukan dikumpulkan melalui penelitian pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa keberhasilan keluarga Atut dalam mempertahankan dinasti politik di Banten tidak hanya karena bentuk dan akar dinasti politik yang kuat, tetapi juga karena strategi politik yang dijalankan oleh keluarga Atut. Dinasti politik keluarga Atut berbentuk Octopussy Dynasty dengan pemanfaatan jaringan kuasa yang telah dibangun oleh Tubagus Chasan Sochib, ayah Atut. Penerapan strategi politik yang baik oleh keluarga Atut juga menjadi penyebab bertahannya dinasti politik ini. Selain itu, bertahannya dinasti keluarga Atut di Banten ada kaitannya dengan rendahnya partisipasi politik masyarakat di Banten pada pilkada tahun 2015 dan 2017 di yang berada di bawah 65 persen.Ratu Atut, the governor of Banten province, was arrested by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in 2013. This arrest, however, did not destroy the political dynasty of Atut’s family in Banten. The Ratu Atut family successfully won the 2015 sub-regional elections in Serang Regency, Pandeglang Regency, South Tangerang City, and the 2017 governor election in Banten. This study aims to analyze the causes of the survival of Atut’s family political dynasty in Banten which enabled the Atut family to preserve and extend their power. Using a qualitative approach, this study collected the required data through library research. The findings show that the success of the Atut family in maintaining its political dynasty in Banten resulted not only from its strong social-cultural background of the family in Banten but also from the political strategy carried out by the Atut family. Atut's family political dynasty took an Octopuccy Dynasty model by utilizing the power network that had been built by Tubagus Chasan Sochib, Atut’s father. Besides, the low public political participation in the 2015 regional elections significantly contributed to the survival of the political dynasty of Atut’s family in Banten.
Co-Authors Akhyar Hanif Al Azhar Budiman, Novi Dahlan, Dewi Effendi , Azri Fadila, Citra Fadri, Zainal Fitri, Ulya Hafizzullah, Hafizzullah Kharisma Firdaus Khuswatun Hasanah Mahmuda Mahmuda, Mahmuda Muhammad Ridwan Netria Animsi Ramadhani, Rindi Rindi Ramadhani Safriwaldi Safriwaldi Syafriwaldi Syamsudin, Muhammad Hasan Widia Nanta Surgawi Yolanda Saputra Yulia Citra, Yulia Zainal Fadri