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All Journal Jurnal Tapis : Jurnal Teropong Aspirasi Politik Islam Journal of Governance JISPO (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik) AL-Hikmah: Jurnal Studi Agama-agama Politea Madani Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik AL IMARAH : JURNAL PEMERINTAHAN DAN POLITIK ISLAM Al-Mutharahah: Jurnal Penelitian dan Kajian Sosial Keagamaan Al Qisthas : Jurnal Hukum dan Politik JURNAL AL-AQIDAH Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Malikussaleh (JSPM) NEGREI: Academic Journal of Law and Governance Jurnal Penyuluhan Agama Jurnal Penelitian Agama Alfuad: Jurnal Sosial Keagamaan Menara Pengabdian JRP (Jurnal Review Politik) Politik Islam Alfuad: Jurnal Sosial Keagamaan

Mhd Alfahjri Sukri

Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Mahmud Yunus Batusangkar

Author-ID : 3371037

Religion Agriculture, Biological Sciences & Forestry Arts Humanities Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Environmental Science Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences Other

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NEGARA DALAM PEMIKIRAN MOHAMMAD NATSIR Sukri, Alfahjri
JURNAL AL-AQIDAH Vol 11, No 2 (2019)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Imam Bonjol Padang

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat bagaimana pemikiran Mohammad Natsir tentang negara dan faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi munculnya pemikiran tersebut. Metode yang digunakan yaitu metode kualitatif dengan memberikan gambaran dan mengalisis pemikiran Natsir tentang negara. Data penelitian ini diperoleh dari analisis dokumen dan studi literatur. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan, Negara dalam pemikiran Natsir berfungsi sebagai alat dalam menjalankan syariat Islam. Menurutnya, dengan Islam, negara akan memiliki akar yang kuat. Mengenai bentuk negara, Natsir tidak terpaku dengan bentuk negara apapu, baginya bentuk apa saja boleh asalkan syariat Islam dijalankan. Natsir juga tidak mensyaratkan seorang kepala negara menggunakan label khalifah dan tidak harus dari keturunan Quraish. Adapun beberapa faktor yang mempengaruhi pemikiran Natsir mengenai negara yaitu pengaruh lingkungan kecil Natsir yang lahir di Minangkabau, pengaruh dari tokoh ulama nasional secara langsung dan tokoh ulama internasional secara tidak langsung (bacaaan), sosialisasi politiknya di organisasi dan partai Islam serta konteks politik Indonesia saat itu. Kata Kunci: Mohammad Natsir, Islam, Negara, Indonesia

Negara Ideal dalam Pemikiran Fundamentalis Islam sukri, mhd alfahjri
Politea Vol 4, No 1 (2021): Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam
Publisher : IAIN Kudus

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21043/politea.v4i1.9948

This research aims to explain the problem of Islamic fundamentalism and analyze the thoughts of Islamic fundamentalist figures, namely Abul A'la Al-Maududi, Hasan Al-Banna, and Taqiyuddin An-Nabhani about the ideal state. Qualitative methods are used in this research with data obtained through books, journals, scientific articles, and other related sources. The results showed that the ideal country according to the thoughts of Abul A'la Al-Maududi, Hasan Al-Banna, and Taqiyuddin An-Nabhani is a country based on Islam. These figures made Rasulullah when he founded the state of Medina until the time of Khulafaur Rasyidin as the reference for the ideal state. Because for them, at that time Islam was used as the main reference and foundation of life and could solve all problems, including problems in living as a state. These figures also reject the separation between religion and state (secularism), and agree to make sovereignty in God's hands. According to them, religion has an important role in the state. In addition, they also placed Ahlul Halli wal Aqdi Â as an important part of an Islamic state.This research aims to explain the problem of Islamic fundamentalism and analyze the thoughts of Islamic fundamentalist figures, namely Abul A'la Al-Maududi, Hasan Al-Banna, and Taqiyuddin An-Nabhani about the ideal state. Qualitative methods are used in this research with data obtained through books, journals, scientific articles, and other related sources. The results showed that the ideal country according to the thoughts of Abul A'la Al-Maududi, Hasan Al-Banna, and Taqiyuddin An-Nabhani is a country based on Islam. These figures made Rasulullah when he founded the state of Medina until the time of Khulafaur Rasyidin as the reference for the ideal state. Because for them, at that time Islam was used as the main reference and foundation of life and could solve all problems, including problems in living as a state. These figures also reject the separation between religion and state (secularism), and agree to make sovereignty in God's hands. According to them, religion has an important role in the state. In addition, they also placed Ahlul Halli wal Aqdi Â as an important part of an Islamic state.

Kontektualisasi Pemikiran Politik Jean Jacques Rousseau di Indonesia sukri, mhd alfahjri
JURNAL AL-AQIDAH Vol 13, No 1 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Imam Bonjol Padang

The research aims to analyze the contextualization of Jean Jacques Rousseau's political thought in Indonesia, including state of nature, social contracts, common will, freedom, and democracy. This study used a qualitative method to describe the results of the analysis. Data was obtained through books, journals, scientific articles and others. The result of research on state of nature is that before Indonesia existed there were already states in the form of kingdoms. As for the social contract established in Indonesia through Pancasila in a complicated way due to agreements and conflicts from several groups. But in the end Pancasila was able to unite the Indonesian nation to this day. Regarding the general will and freedom, in Indonesia, it is regulated in Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia with various existing problems such as the abuse of general will and freedom that occurred during the Soekarno Guided Democracy and the Suharto Era. As for democracy, Rousseau views direct democracy as the best, while Indonesia is more familiar with representative democracy based on deliberation

Dinasti Politik di Banten: Familisme, Strategi Politik dan Rendahnya Partisipasi Politik Masyarakat Mhd Alfahjri Sukri
JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 10, No 2 (2020): JISPO Vol 10 No 2 2020
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v10i2.8316

Tertangkapnya Ratu Atut oleh Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) ternyata tidak menghancurkan dinasti politik keluarga Atut di Banten. Keluarga Atut justru berhasil menang dalam pemilihan kepala daerah tahun 2015 di Kabupaten Serang, Kabupaten Pandeglang, Kota Tangerang Selatan dan pemilihan gubernur Banten tahun 2017. Artikel ini menganalisis penyebab bertahannya dinasti politik keluarga Atut di Banten dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Data yang diperlukan dikumpulkan melalui penelitian pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa keberhasilan keluarga Atut dalam mempertahankan dinasti politik di Banten tidak hanya karena bentuk dan akar dinasti politik yang kuat, tetapi juga karena strategi politik yang dijalankan oleh keluarga Atut. Dinasti politik keluarga Atut berbentuk Octopussy Dynasty dengan pemanfaatan jaringan kuasa yang telah dibangun oleh Tubagus Chasan Sochib, ayah Atut. Penerapan strategi politik yang baik oleh keluarga Atut juga menjadi penyebab bertahannya dinasti politik ini. Selain itu, bertahannya dinasti keluarga Atut di Banten ada kaitannya dengan rendahnya partisipasi politik masyarakat di Banten pada pilkada tahun 2015 dan 2017 di yang berada di bawah 65 persen.Ratu Atut, the governor of Banten province, was arrested by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in 2013. This arrest, however, did not destroy the political dynasty of Atut’s family in Banten. The Ratu Atut family successfully won the 2015 sub-regional elections in Serang Regency, Pandeglang Regency, South Tangerang City, and the 2017 governor election in Banten. This study aims to analyze the causes of the survival of Atut’s family political dynasty in Banten which enabled the Atut family to preserve and extend their power. Using a qualitative approach, this study collected the required data through library research. The findings show that the success of the Atut family in maintaining its political dynasty in Banten resulted not only from its strong social-cultural background of the family in Banten but also from the political strategy carried out by the Atut family. Atut's family political dynasty took an Octopuccy Dynasty model by utilizing the power network that had been built by Tubagus Chasan Sochib, Atut’s father. Besides, the low public political participation in the 2015 regional elections significantly contributed to the survival of the political dynasty of Atut’s family in Banten.

Causes of the Failed of the Military Coup in Turkey in 2016 Mhd Alfahjri Sukri
Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 3, No 2 (2021): Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik
Publisher : UIN Sunan Gunung Djati

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/politicon.v3i2.11687

Military interference in politics in Turkey resumed with an outright military coup on July 15, 2016, but the Coup failed. The Turkish military has always successfully conducted coups, both directly and indirectly, which occurred in 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997. From these problems, The study aims to analyze the causes of the failure of the 2016 coup and describe the causes of the Coup and compare the 2016 coup with the 1960 and 1980 direct coups. A qualitative method was used in this research by conducting literature studies and data sourced from scientific journals, news reports, articles, and other related sources. The results showed that the failure of the military Coup in 2016 was due to rejection from the community but also the failure of the coup group to arrest key government actors such as President Erdogan and Prime Minister Binali Yildirim. The failure to arrest these key actors enabled them to mobilize the masses against the coup group, as did President Erdogan, who announced his rejection of the Coup through FaceTime broadcast by CNN Turk and invited the public to reject the Coup. Binali Yildirim also rejected the same problem. This is one of the factors that led to the descent of Turks to the streets against the coup attempt. Even though seeing the previous Coup, the military always received support from the Turkish people. In addition, there is also the role of technology that connects key actors with Turkish society. This research explains the important role of key state actors in countering military coups and provides an overview of ways for civilian governments and the general public to resist military coups.

PERBANDINGAN HUBUNGAN SIPIL-MILITER DI INDONESIA PADA MASA ABDURRAHMAN WAHID DENGAN ERDOGAN DI TURKI Mhd. Alfahjri Sukri
AL IMARAH : JURNAL PEMERINTAHAN DAN POLITIK ISLAM Vol 5, No 2 (2020): Vol 5, No 2 Tahun 2020: Juli
Publisher : Fakultas Syari'ah Universitas Islam Negeri Fatmawati Sukarno Bengkulu

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29300/imr.v5i2.3486

Abstract: This paper aims to compare civil-military relations in Indonesia during Abdurrahman Wahid's (1999-2001) period with Turkey during Erdogan's (2003-2011) by looking at civilian control over the military. The study looks at the differences and similarities between the two countries and the causes of Erdogan's success and Abdurrahman Wahid's failure to control the military. In this research, the author used a qualitative approach. The results showed that there were similarities and differences in civil-military relations between Gus Dur and Erdogan, as seen from civil control over the military. The similarities could bee seen at the beginning of their reign. Abdurrahman and Erdogan had strong civilian control over the military so that they could reduce the military's role in politics with various policies issued. This strong control is also supported by political conditions, political elites, and society. However, there were differences in civil-military relations at the end of the Gus Dur and Erdogan governments. Civilian control over the military weakened at the end of the Gus Dur’s reign which caused him to fall from his position as the President of the Republic of Indonesia, whereas Erdogan’s civilian control over the military was getting stronger. The failure factor for Abdurrahman to strengthen civilian control over the military was a radical change. In contrast to Erdogan who made changes gradually with the support of politics and society.Keywords: Turkey; Indonesia; Abdurrahman Wahid; Erdogan; Civil-Military Relations

Partisipasi Masyarakat pada Pemilihan Gubernur Jakarta 2017 Mhd. Alfahjri Sukri
Jurnal Penyuluhan Agama (JPA) Jurnal Penyuluhan Agama (JPA) | Vol. 9 No. 1, 2022
Publisher : Islamic Extension Guidance Study Program (BPI) of the Faculty of Da'wah and Communication

Abstract: This study aims to see and analyze how the public's participation in the 2017 DKI Jakarta Governor Election (Pilgub), especially in Bangka Village, Mampang Prampatan District, South Jakarta TPS 30 in the first round of the DKI Jakarta Pilkada, and how the DKI Jakarta Pilkada is held at TPS 30 2017. The research method used in this research is a qualitative method by conducting field studies, observations, collecting data through using books and documents. The results of this study indicate that the participation of the community in Bangka TPS 30 RW 5 (RT 4 and 5) is high, especially the participation of the elite (high economy) who lives in RT 5. The number of people in RT 5 is present and the low number of golput (which does not use the right to vote) indicates that the participation of the elite is high. Huntington and Nelson's statement which states that a high or good economic level will result in high participation is evident at this TPS 30. However, there are some old problems in the implementation of the first round of the DKI Jakarta Pilkada in the Bangka TPS 30 Village, namely the DPT problem, such as residents whose names are not on the DPT and the DPTb which slightly resulted in residents not being able to vote. Poor implementation of Pilkada can result in decreased community participation. But overall the Pilkada at TPS 30 went smoothly and there were no problems with religious sentiment.Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat dan menganalisa bagaimana partisipasi masyarakat pada Pemilihan Gubernur (Pilgub) DKI Jakarta tahun 2017 khususnya di Kelurahan Bangka, Kecamatan Mampang Prampatan, Jakarta Selatan TPS 30 pada Pilkada DKI Jakarta putaran pertama, dan bagaimana penyelenggaraan Pilkada DKI Jakarta di TPS 30 tahun 2017 tersebut. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif dengan melakukan studi lapangan, observasi, mengumpulkan data-data melalui buku dan dokumen. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa partisipasi masyarakat Kelurahan Bangka TPS 30 RW 5 (RT 4 dan 5) termasuk tinggi, terutama partisipasi dari kalangan elite (ekonomi tinggi) yang tinggal di RT 5. Banyaknya masyarakat RT 5 yang hadir dan sedikitnya angka golput (yang tidak menggunakan hak pilih) menunjukkan bahwa partisipasi kaum elite tersebut tinggi. Pernyataan Huntington dan Nelson yang menyatakan bahwa tingkat ekonomi yang tinggi atau baik akan menghasilkan partisipasi yang tinggi, terbukti di TPS 30 ini. Namun, terdapat beberapa permasalahan lama pada penyelenggaraan Pilkada DKI Jakarta putaran pertama Kelurahan Bangka TPS 30 yaitu masalah DPT, seperti warga yang namanya tidak ada di DPT serta DPTb yang sedikit mengakibatkan warga tidak bisa memilih. Buruknya pelenggaraan Pilkada dapat berakibat pada menurunnya partisipasi masyarakat. Namun secara keseluruhan penyelenggaraan Pilkada di TPS 30 berjalan aman serta tidak ada masalah sentiment agama.

SIKAP POLITIK PRAWOTO MANGKUSASMITO TERHADAP PEMBUBARAN PARTAI ISLAM MASYUMI PADA MASA DEMOKRASI TERPIMPIN Khuswatun Hasanah; Mhd. Alfahjri Sukri
Madani Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Vol 14 No 1 (2022): Februari 2022
Publisher : Universitas Islam Darul Ulum Lamongan

Soekarno's decision to simplify political parties during the Guided Democracy period resulted in a number of parties having to be dissolved or willing to dissolve themselves, including the Islamic-inspired political party, Masyumi. Prawoto Mangkusasmito, chairman of the Masyumi Islamic Party Center who opposed Soekarno's idea of guided democracy in the end chose to be loyal to Soekarno's decision, even though he tended to be considered semi-authoritarian. This study aims to explain Prawoto Mangkusasmito's political attitude towards the dissolution of the party which also had an impact on Masyumi. The method used in this research is descriptive method of historical analysis from a political approach perspective. Interpretation is generated through analysis of historical sources, related regulations, and literature studies. As a result, regarding political attitudes, even though he had fought for Masyumi, Prawoto remained loyal to the Presidential Decree No. 200 of 1960 concerning the Dismissal of the Masjumi Political Party; including parts / branches / branches throughout the territory of the Republic of Indonesia. His support for the dignity of the republic was clear, consistent and calculating. His political stance is motivated by the idea that people who fight for Islam and aim to uphold Islamic law should not be violated by Muslims in power. His thinking is optimistic that one day the policy of disbanding the party will change to a policy of reviving the party with efforts to uphold law and aspects of justice.

PERBANDINGAN PERAN ERDOGAN DALAM PEMENANGAN AKP (ADALET VE KALKINMA PARTISI) DENGAN SUSILO BAMBANG YUDOYONO PADA PARTAI DEMOKRAT Mhd Alfahjri Sukri
Al Qisthas: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Ketatanegaraan Vol 12 No 1 (2021): Januari-Juni
Publisher : Jurusan Hukum Tata Negara, Fakultas Syariah, UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.37035/alqisthas.v12i1.4262

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk membandingkan peran kepemimpinan Recep Tayyib Erdogan dalam kemenangan AKP (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) pada pemilu 2002 di Turki dengan peran kepemimpinan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) mendongkrak Partai Demokrat pada pemilu 2004 di Indonesia serta menang dalam pilpres di tahun tersebut. Metode kualitatif digunakan untuk menjelaskan hasil analisis perbandingan. Hasil dari penelitian menunjukkan, kepemimpinan Erdogan berperan dalam mengajak para pemilih Islam maupun sekuler untuk memilih AKP dengan meraup 34,2 persen suara nasional, dan peran Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dapat dilihat dari melonjaknya suara Partai Demokrat dengan memperoleh 7,45 persen. Persamaan peran Erdogan dan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono yaitu sama-sama mampu mengangkat suara partai masing-masing yang merupakan partai baru, serta dianggap sebagai pemimpin kharismatik. Perbedaannya adalah kepemimpinan Erdogan lebih kompleks dibandingkan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, karena Erdogan tidak hanya sosok pemimpin kharismatik tetapi juga pemimpin yang memiliki hasil kerja nyata selama ia menjabat sebagai walikota Istanbul. Dengan begitu, ia mampu menarik pemilih Islam dan sekuler.

ISLAM DAN PANCASILA DALAM PEMIKIRAN MOHAMMAD NATSIR Mhd Alfahjri Sukri
Alfuad: Jurnal Sosial Keagamaan Vol 3, No 1 (2019)
Publisher : IAIN Batusangkar

This research was conducted to see how Mohammad Natsir thought about the relationship between Islam and Pancasila. This study also explains the causes of Natsir's change of mind which initially supported Pancasila as part of Islam and later turned into an opponent of Pancasila in Konstituante on 11 November to 6 December 1957. The methodology used was a qualitative method by describing the results of the analysis carried out. The research data is obtained through a review of documents and scientific literature. The results of the study show that Mohammad Natsir's change of mind regarding the relationship between Islam and Pancasila was influenced by Mohammad Natsir's political socialization which began from Natsir's view of Islam influenced by the childhood environment (conditional and socio-cultural) in Minangkabau; direct influence from national figures such as Ahmad Hassan, H. Agus Salim, Sheikh Ahmad Syurkati and H. O Tjokroaminoto; the indirect influence of international figures throughout reading book such as Hassan Al-Banna, Amir Syakib Arselan, Rashid Ridha and Muhammad Abduh; the influence of Natsir's organization and political parties, namely Jong Islamieten Bond (JIB), Islamic Unity (Persis), and Masyumi political parties; and the influence of the political conditions at that time which made Natsir's views change, which initially accepted Pancasila and then became an opponent of the Pancasila. This research shown there are two patterns of Natsir's relationship with Pancasila, namely (1) Natsir accepted Pancasila and, (2) Natsir opposed Pancasila.

Co-Authors Akhyar Hanif Al Azhar Budiman, Novi Dahlan, Dewi Effendi , Azri Fadila, Citra Fadri, Zainal Fitri, Ulya Hafizzullah, Hafizzullah Kharisma Firdaus Khuswatun Hasanah Mahmuda Mahmuda, Mahmuda Muhammad Ridwan Netria Animsi Ramadhani, Rindi Rindi Ramadhani Safriwaldi Safriwaldi Syafriwaldi Syamsudin, Muhammad Hasan Widia Nanta Surgawi Yolanda Saputra Yulia Citra, Yulia Zainal Fadri

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