Article Per Year (5 Year)
p-Index From 2021 - 2026
2.607
P-Index
This Author published in this journals
All Journal Indonesian Perspective Andalas Journal of International Studies Jurnal Kewarganegaraan Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) Indonesian Perspective HISTORIA: Jurnal Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah Jurnal Multidisiplin West Science Journal of Political And Legal Sovereignty Journal of Innovative and Creativity Journal of Community Empowerment Jurnal Hubungan Internasional MONDIAL Harmonization INJECT Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication Sociale : Journal of Social and Political Sciences
Peni Hanggarini
Universitas Paramadina, Jakarta, Indonesia
Religion Arts Humanities Computer Science & IT Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Environmental Science Health Professions Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Mathematics Social Sciences Other

Published : 17 Documents Claim Missing Document
Claim Missing Document
Check
Articles

Found 17 Documents
Search

 1   2 
SOSIALISASI NILAI-NILAI ANTIKORUPSI SEBAGAI PERWUJUDAN BELA NEGARA PADA GURU SEKOLAH DASAR Hanggarini, Peni
Journal of Community Empowerment Vol 5, No 1 (2026): Maret
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Mataram

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31764/jce.v5i1.38432

Abstract

ABSTRAK                                                                                     Pembinaan karakter untuk mencegah berkembangnya budaya korupsi sebenarnya dapat dilakukan sedini mungkin yaitu terhadap siswa-siswi di tingkat Sekolah Dasar (SD). Namun kendala utama pendidikan antikorupsi pada usia SD adalah faktor daya nalar siswa yang masih kurang dewasa sehingga peran guru dan materi yang sesuai sangat penting. Kegiatan pengabdian kepada masyarakat oleh dosen antikorupsi Universitas Paramadina Jakarta ini bertujuan menanamkan nilai-nilai antikorupsi kepada guru SD Avicenna Jagakarsa Jakarta Selatan sebagai bagian dari pendidikan karakter yang mencerminkan semangat bela negara. Guru-guru SD yang telah paham nilai-nilai tersebut diharapkan dapat membentuk karakter para siswa. Program sosialisasi nilai-nilai antikorupsi ini dilaksanakan secara hybrid yaitu melalui materi video dan diskusi secara langsung di SD Avicenna Jagakarsa Jakarta Selatan yang telah mengajarkan nilai-nilai kepemimpinan melalui program Leader in Me.  Kegiatan berlangsung selama satu bulan sejak April hingga Mei 2024, dengan melibatkan 30 guru SD. Berdasarkan evaluasi kegiatan, sosialisasi telah meningkatkan pemahaman para guru terhadap nilai-nilai antikorupsi sebesar antara 10 % hingga 20 % serta telah meningkatkan lahirnya gagasan-gagasan pengajaran nilai-nilai antikorupsi di sekolah hingga sebesar 10 %. Program Leader in Me yang merupakan program pembentukan karakter kepemimpinan, kedisiplinan, dan tanggung jawab yang telah diterapkan secara berkelanjutan di sekolah, dapat disinergikan pula dengan pembentukan nilai-nilai antikorupsi sebagai perwujudan bela negara.Kata kunci: Bela Negara; Guru Sekolah Dasar; Nilai Antikorupsi; Pendidikan Karakter. ABSTRACT.Character development to prevent the development of a corrupt culture can begin as early as possible, specifically with students in elementary school. However, the main obstacle to anti-corruption teaching at the elementary school is the kids are immature, thus the participation of teachers and proper material is critical. The community service activity organized by an anti-corruption lecturer at Universitas Paramadina Jakarta intends to instill anti-corruption values in the teachers of SD Avicenna Jagakarsa in South Jakarta as part of character education that represents the spirit of defending the country. Elementary school teachers who understand these values are expected to shape the character of their students This anti-corruption socialization program was implemented in a hybrid method, including video materials and live discussions at SD Avicenna Jagakarsa in South Jakarta, which had previously taught leadership values through the Leader in Me program. The activity conducted for one month, from April to May 2024, and involved 30 elementary school instructors. According to the evaluation of the activities, socialization increased teachers’ comprehension of anti-corruption values by 10 % to 20 % and raised the new ideas for teaching anti-corruption values in schools by 10%. The Leader in Me program, which has been successfully applied in schools to develop leadership character, discipline, and responsibility, can also be used to foster anti-corruption qualities as a form of national defense. Keywords: Defending The Country; Elementary School Teachers; Anti-Corruption Values, Character Education.
Diplomasi Perdamaian China di Timur Tengah: Kepentingan Strategis dan Stabilitas Kawasan Canta Bayu Laksana; Peni Hanggarini
Sociale : Journal of Social and Political Sciences Vol 2 No 1 (2026): Dinamika Sosial Politik dan Tata Kelola Berkelanjutan
Publisher : Yayasan Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat Sisi Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.69836/sociale.v2i1.717

Abstract

Penelitian ini menganalisis transformasi diplomasi perdamaian China di kawasan Timur Tengah dalam perspektif Soft Power dan Neorealisme. Studi ini berfokus pada dua kasus utama, yakni mediasi rekonsiliasi Arab Saudi–Iran tahun 2023 dan fasilitasi Deklarasi Beijing antara Fatah–Hamas tahun 2024. Penelitian menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan studi literatur serta analisis data sekunder dari publikasi akademik dan statistik perdagangan The Observatory of Economic Complexity (OEC) periode 2010–2023. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa peningkatan signifikan volume perdagangan China dengan Timur Tengah—mencapai sekitar US$460 miliar pada 2023—telah memperkuat daya tawar politik Beijing di kawasan. Dalam konflik antarnegara (inter-state) seperti Arab Saudi–Iran, diplomasi China terbukti efektif karena didukung leverage ekonomi dan ketergantungan energi yang tinggi. Sebaliknya, dalam konflik intra-negara yang melibatkan aktor non-negara seperti Fatah–Hamas, efektivitas diplomasi cenderung bersifat normatif dan simbolik akibat keterbatasan instrumen penekan yang mengikat. Temuan ini menegaskan bahwa aktivisme diplomatik China bukan semata-mata didorong oleh idealisme perdamaian, melainkan oleh kalkulasi rasional untuk mengamankan kepentingan strategis, khususnya keamanan energi dan keberlanjutan Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Secara teoretis, penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa China menerapkan strategi soft balancing untuk menyeimbangkan hegemoni Amerika Serikat tanpa konfrontasi militer langsung. Dengan demikian, diplomasi perdamaian China menjadi instrumen penting dalam membentuk stabilitas kawasan sekaligus memperkuat posisinya sebagai kekuatan besar alternatif dalam tatanan dunia multipolar.
EVALUASI KEKUATAN MILITER INDONESIA BERDASARKAN KONSEP REVOLUTION IN MILITARY AFFAIRS (RMA) (2004-2021) Peni Hanggarini; Taufik Bagus Murdianto; Purnomo Yusgiantoro; I Wayan Midhio; Asep Darmawan; Muhamad Idris
Jurnal Kewarganegaraan Vol 6 No 2 (2022): 1 Januari - 30 Juni 2022 (In Press)
Publisher : UNIVERSITAS PGRI YOGYAKARTA

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31316/jk.v6i1.2108

Abstract

AbstrakIndonesia telah melakukan transformasi teknologi militer, persenjataan, organisasi dan doktrin militer dalam menghadapi perubahan lingkungan internal dan eksternal. Apakah transformasi militer tersebut sesuai dengan konsep Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA)? Tulisan ini menganalisa komponen RMA Indonesia manakah yang paling penting berhasil dilakukan sejak 2004 hingga 2021? Pada periode kapan RMA paling baik telah terjadi? Tulisan ini berdasarkan penelitian metode campuran (mix method). Metodologi kuantitatif berdasarkan Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) serta metode kualitatif berdasarkan Strength-Weakness-Opportunity-Threat (SWOT) melalui pertimbangan aspek Politik, Ekonomi, Sosial, Teknologi, Lingkungan/Environment, Hukum/Legal/Law (PESTLE). Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui kuesioner terhadap 9 responden ahli RMA, interview serta analisa literature. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan komando, kontrol, computer dan integrasi sistem (C4) merupakan komponen RMA yang paling penting di Indonesia sejak 2004 hingga 2021. Pelaksanaan RMA terbaik yaitu pada 2009 hingga 2014. Analisa SWOT menunjukkan militer Indonesia masih belum optimal menangani perubahan ancaman dari dalam maupun luar sehingga perlu melakukan strategi diversifikasi.Kata kunci: Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), Indonesia, Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP), Politics, Economy, Social, Technology, Law, Environment (PESTLE) dan Strength-Weakness-Opportunity-Threat (SWOT)  AbstractIndonesia has transformed its military technology, weapons, organization, and military doctrine corresponding to its environments. However, is the transformation in line with the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) concept? This paper evaluates components undertaken of Indonesian RMA from 2004 to 2021, also examines when Indonesia performed the best RMA. The study utilized the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) as a quantitative methodology; and the Politic, Economy, Social, Technology, Environment, Law, and (PESTLE) and Strength-Weakness-Opportunity- Threat (SWOT) for the quantitative side.  The paper uses nine expert questionnaires, interviews, and literature reviews for data collection. The result shows that command, control, computers, and system integration are the most significant RMA components from 2004 to 2021. The best RMA takes place from 2009 to 2014. The SWOT analysis indicates that the Indonesian military is still not optimal in anticipating changes from within and outside; thus, it is imperative to carry out a diversification strategy.Keywords: Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), Indonesia, Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) Politics, Economy, Social, Technology, Law, Environment (PESTLE), and Strength-Weakness-Opportunity-Threats (SWOT).
Defense Diplomacy of Middle Powers in Digital International Relations Peni Hanggarini
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 14, No 1 (2025): Published in May 2025
Publisher : Andalas Institute of International Studies UNAND

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.14.1.91-105.2025

Abstract

In an era of rapid digital innovation and the rise of artificial intelligence (AI), growing technological power imbalances have generated serious concerns about the equality, agency, and sovereignty of state and non-state actors. This study uses a qualitative, interpretivist methodology to examine the consequences of the digital divide. It focuses on how middle powers manage technological competition while maintaining strategic autonomy in the transformation of international relations. The findings indicate that while digital technology and AI enhance state capabilities and reshape global power hierarchies, they generate critical, ethical, and political challenges, particularly around surveillance, accountability, and algorithmic bias. This study argues that middle power can use defense diplomacy as a strategic instrument to confront the challenges of digital technology. Defense diplomacy employs comprehensive approaches, both coercive and non-coercive, and serves as an effective strategy for middle powers to influence global norms, develop cooperative security frameworks, and manage technological disruptions through building trust among actors. Ultimately, this study contributes to the interdisciplinary discourse on digital international relations by offering a framework for middle powers in an era increasingly shaped by algorithmic decision-making and cyber politics.
Digital Discourse on the “Kabur Aja Dulu” Narrative on X: Implications for Strategic Communication, Defense, and Diplomacy Peni Hanggarini; Rizki Damayanti
INJECT (Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication) Vol. 11 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : FAKULTAS DAKWAH UIN SALATIGA

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18326/inject.v11i1.6729

Abstract

This study analyzes the “kaburajadulu (“Run Away First’) discourse as a form of digital public communication within Generation Z and government (officials and community leaders). Based on a multidisciplinary communication approach that integrates digital communication studies, political communication, media studies, and strategic communication, this study examines how narratives on X shape public perceptions and national discourse and generate implications for strategic communication, defense, and diplomacy.  Using a mixed research method grounded in big data analytics and media content analysis, this study analyzes 180,115 conversations from 148,710 Twitter/X users of Indonesians aged 19 to over 50 years old and reports from three leading media of Detik, Kompas, and Tribun from December 1, 2024, to March 31, 2025. Based on sentiment analysis and Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA), the study finds that 42.7% of netizens express direct support for “running away.” It is primarily motivated by the desire to pursue work and an education overseas. While 7% explicitly intend to renounce their citizenship because there is no future in Indonesia. The government indirectly encourages this movement by appearing neutral and introspective. The study finds that the discourse demonstrates how digital narrative and digital solidarity are rooted in declining trust toward the government. The study highlights the role of media and online platforms in constructing strategic narratives that extend beyond individual expression into broader socio-political implications. These communicative processes have important consequences for Indonesia’s non-kinetic defense and diplomacy, particularly the potential normalization of brain drain, the weakening of the national identity narrative, social division, and the impact on Indonesia’s international image and diaspora engagement. In the age of digital populism, the study suggests the significance of developing strategic communication, digital literacy, and public diplomacy narratives in order to reestablish trust and promote national resilience.
Intervensi China dalam Mediasi Perdamaian Arab Saudi dengan Iran Canta Bayu Laksana; Peni Hanggarini
Mondial: Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 2 (2025): September 2025
Publisher : Universitas Al-azhar Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36722/mondial.v2i2.4390

Abstract

This paper aims to analyze China’s intervention in mediating peace between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The discussion focuses on China's soft power strategy as a mediator between these two Middle Eastern countries, which have long experienced tense relations. This issue is considered significant, as the success of the mediation not only affects regional stability but also reflects shifting global power dynamics and highlights China's growing role in international geopolitics. The research adopts a qualitative method, employing Joseph Nye’s soft power theory as an analytical framework to understand how China builds its influence through non-coercive means, particularly economic cooperation and diplomacy. Data were collected through literature review and analyzed using descriptive qualitative techniques. The findings indicate that China’s success as a mediator is largely attributed to its economic diplomacy and neutral stance, which fostered trust from both parties. These results underscore the importance of soft power in expanding global influence and present a viable alternative to conflict resolution that does not rely on military force. This study contributes to the field of international relations and Middle Eastern geopolitics by emphasizing the necessity of strengthening non-coercive diplomacy as a means to maintain regional stability and build long-term peace.
NEGATIVE PEACE KONFLIK AZERBAIJAN DAN ARMENIA DI KAWASAN NAGORNO-KARABAKH PADA 2023-2024 Muhammad Ikhsan Firdaus; Refatika Anggresti; Peni Hanggarini
Mondial: Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 2 (2025): September 2025
Publisher : Universitas Al-azhar Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36722/mondial.v2i2.4869

Abstract

Sejak 1988 Nagorno-Karabakh menjadi wilayah rebutan antara Azerbaijan dengan Armenia. Penelitian ini mengkaji konsep negative peace dalam konflik Azerbaijan-Armenia pasca serangan terakhir Azerbaijan pada 20 September 2023, yang dimana serangan ini memenangkan Azerbaijan, dan membuat Azerbaijan kembali menguasai Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijan berupaya merebut kembali Nagorno-Karabakh untuk memulihkan kedaulatan, sementara Armenia melakukannya demi kepentingan etnis dan stabilitas domestik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metodologi kualitatif dengan mempelajari dokumen, yang tersedia. Penelitian ini menghasilkan kesimpulan bahwa konflik ini masih berada pada fase negative peace, kondisi dimana kekerasan berhenti, tapi tanpa menyelesaikan akar masalah konflik Nagorno-Karabakh. Belum adanya sistem, atau kesepakatan damai antara Azerbaijan dengan Armenia juga membuat konflik ini masih pada tahap negative peace.
Co-Authors Anak Agung Banyu Perwita Asep Darmawan Canta Bayu Laksana Canta Bayu Laksana Handayani, Tia Fatihah I Wayan Midhio M. Adnan Madjid Madjid, M. Adnan Mitta Diahalwani Muhamad Idris Muhammad Ikhsan Firdaus Refatika Anggresti Rizki - Damayanti Sambuaga, Theo Shienlia, Mega SULISTYAWATI, Laeny Syaiful Anwar Syaima Syaima Syaima, Syaima Taufik Bagus Murdianto Tia Fatihah Handayani Wiranto, Surya Wisnu Wardhana, Riza Wildansyah Yusgiantoro, Purnomo