JISPO (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik)
JISPO adalah Jurnal ilmiah yang dikelola dan diterbitkan oleh FISIP UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung yang telah terindeks di Moraref, Google Schoolar, Neliti dan Mendeley. Bagi anda yang berminat mengirimkan artikel ilmiah dapat melakukan registrasi sebagai Author dan mengikuti langkah -langkah selanjutnya.
Articles
358 Documents
<![CDATA[From Legal to Customary Approach: Seeking an Alternative Policy on the Coastal Area Solid Waste Management in Jambi, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Sagala, Irmawati]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13 No. 1 (2023): JISPO Vol 13 No 1 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v13i1.24050
<![CDATA[The waste issue in coastal areas is an important and urgent problem for maritime regions like Indonesia. The task of the government in coastal areas is more complex than in mainland areas because the problem of coastal waste is more complex, and it causes more environmental impacts. This article analyzes waste management policies in the coastal areas of Jambi Province, especially in East Tanjung Jabung Regency. The research uses literature study as the primary method, supported by qualitative field studies on government and community paradigms on waste management regulations. The study shows that the East Tanjung Jabung Regency Government has a waste management policy, but none specifically concerns coastal or marine waste. However, the waste management program in the coastal area has not been implemented due to various technical reasons, especially geographical conditions, which are difficult to reach from the district capital. These constraints are caused by the positive regulation paradigm, in which the laws in Indonesia are hierarchically stopped at the district/city level so that waste management work is concentrated in the district government. The village government has the right to issue village regulations, but innovation in village regulations still needs improvement, especially in Jambi Province. This condition allows the decision maker to uphold the customary approach as a local alternative policy.  ]]>
<![CDATA[Executive Aggrandisement and Democratic Regression in Indonesia’s Jokowi Administration ]]>
<![CDATA[Agustino, Leo]]>;
<![CDATA[Sylviana, Mona]]>;
<![CDATA[Andalus, Mutia Kartika]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 12 No. 2 (2022): JISPO Vol 12 No 2 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v12i2.24613
<![CDATA[At the end of 2019, COVID-19 Pandemic has been devastated almost whole of human life sector, including politics and nations. COVID-19 Pandemic existence has urged the onset of misuse of power in several countries that have a weak democracy with “emergency policy†or “discretional rulesâ€, as if it become an opportunity for the government to do the agenda-setting towards illiberal polict without having mobilization concern or opositions counter (Schenkkan 2020). This article aim to explore how executive’s power aggrandisement that was happened in the 2th period of Jokowi’s administrative as a contribution of democracry degradation in Indonesia. With the use of library research, that examine various literature, such as book, journal, report that relevan to the research topics (Neuman 2014), Author explore the data regarding the executive aggrandisement in the 2th period of Jokowi’s Administrative. The result of this research is democracy degradation or democrary backsliding happened during Jokowi’s Administatrative was instigated with several factors which is division of power, executive aggrandisement, and the discourse of 3th period of Jokowi’s administration.]]>
<![CDATA[Economic Resistance of Sub-National Governments in Mitigating Inflation Risk: The Case of Bela Beli Kulon Progo Movement ]]>
<![CDATA[Setiawan, Hendy]]>;
<![CDATA[Irawan, Rizky Rahmanda]]>;
<![CDATA[Erison, Yendra]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13 No. 1 (2023): JISPO Vol 13 No 1 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v13i1.24969
<![CDATA[Political decentralization has brought great changes in the form of challenges and opportunities. In the context of the challenges of decentralization, it requires regions to clean up, organize, and fix regional problems. However, it must be used as an instrument to solve economic problems, one of which is inflation in the regions. Kulon Progo Regency is one of the role models that has an economic instrument in mitigating the risk of inflation. This arrangement is stated in the Bela Beli Kulon Progo policy. This policy uses an approach to strengthen the local economy so that it can stimulate the growth of people's per capita income. This study examines these issues using a qualitative approach with library research methods. It uses the theory proposed by the decentralization and inflation approach proposed by Treisman. The results show that strengthening the local economy had the power to mitigate the risk of inflation in regions. The strengthening of the local economy was seen in the increasing level of people's income and regional income which resulted in stronger economic growth. However, inflation is a serious threat to the regional economy if people's incomes are fixed and there is economic instability. Bela Beli Kulon Progo movement improved the local economy of Kulon Progo. Various programs of Bela Beli became the basis for the strong economic support of the district so that inflation could be controlled. On this basis, the movement becomes an instrument as well as a role model in mitigating the risk of regional inflation. This study, therefore, contributes to the study of local movement and inflation in the regional contexts.]]>
<![CDATA[Enhancing Political Participation: A Comparative Study of Political Systems in China and Malaysia ]]>
<![CDATA[Al Giffari, Haekal Adha]]>;
<![CDATA[Aziz, Nik Muhammad Azimuddin bin]]>;
<![CDATA[Syifa, Syafitri]]>;
<![CDATA[Johari, Muhammad Syahzan bin]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13 No. 1 (2023): JISPO Vol 13 No 1 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v13i1.25568
<![CDATA[This article compares the political systems of China and Malaysia, focusing on political participation enhancement. It seeks to identify the strengths and weaknesses of their political systems and propose appropriate approaches to enhance political participation in both countries. By examining the structure of government and the effectiveness of political participation, this study expands the current understanding of these political systems in China and Malaysia. It also explores the factors that influence political participation in China and Malaysia. The study finds that political participation in Malaysia is more democratic than in China, considering factors such as party diversity, the electoral process, and the role of local government in accommodating minority voices. However, China's political system demonstrates strength through its centralized control, allowing for the efficient execution of policies and regulations. The study acknowledges similarities between the two countries in terms of their three branches of government but also highlights differences in the type of politically unengaged communities. The findings from this research can be considered by the governments of both countries to improve political participation, particularly among the younger generation. This article, therefore, contributes to the studies on political systems in Asian countries from a comparative perspective.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Participation of Persons with Disabilities in Election: The Case of Regional Elections in Bantul, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Yaniar, Syifa Annisa]]>;
<![CDATA[Simamora, Naufal Bariq Alauddin]]>;
<![CDATA[Hanifah, Hana Tiara]]>;
<![CDATA[Wijayani, Sabrina]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13 No. 1 (2023): JISPO Vol 13 No 1 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v13i1.25834
<![CDATA[This article analyzes the involvement of disability groups in the regional election and how this will contribute to the upcoming 2024 General Election in Indonesia. Groups of people with disabilities often face discrimination, which hinders the realization of their rights as outlined in Law Number 8 of 2016 regarding Persons with Disabilities. Ensuring such rights are fulfilled is crucial for social progress and the welfare of individuals, particularly in democratic nations. The approach in this study uses the theory of political participation and the concept of human rights as a theoretical framework. Meanwhile, the research method is qualitative, with descriptive analysis to discuss the intended topic. The collection of research data was obtained from interviews and literature studies. This article examines the case study of the involvement of persons with disabilities in the 2020 Bantul Regional Election and its influence on the 2024 General Election. Bantul is a district in the Special Region of Yogyakarta Province in that it has the largest population with disabilities. As a result, special attention is needed to ensure that the political rights of the disabled group in Bantul are guaranteed. The findings show several forms of involvement of disability groups in the previous elections in 2019 and 2020. The deficiencies in these elections should be addressed to improve access for disability groups making democracy inclusive. This article, then, contributes to the studies of the political participation of persons with disabilities in democracy in the context of regional elections.]]>
<![CDATA[China’s Great Firewall: Cybersecurity as Strategy for Building World Cyberpower ]]>
<![CDATA[Wowor, Harvardry Gerald Abraham]]>;
<![CDATA[Sudirman, Arfin]]>;
<![CDATA[Hakiki, Falhan]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13 No. 2 (2023): Vol. 13 No. 2, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v13i2.27713
<![CDATA[The information, communication, and technology (ICT) sector has grown significantly in China. One of the advancements they have seen is in the area of cybersecurity. China's growing cybersecurity competence enabled it to create the Great Firewall of China (GFW), a set of control and censorship regulations for internet communications in China. This article investigates the significance of cybersecurity in the development of China's authoritarian authority, with a focus on the GFW as a strategic component. The concepts of cybersecurity and cyberpower served as the article's theoretical foundation. Through interviews and literature reviews, this article employs qualitative methodologies. Â This article demonstrates how China employs GFW to protect its citizens from cyber-attacks by focusing on political risks. China's cyber power is likewise increasing.]]>
<![CDATA[Causes and Forms of Cyberbullying among Teenagers in Indonesian Urban Areas: Cases of Jakarta, Bandung and Surabaya ]]>
<![CDATA[Amanatin, Elsa Lutmilarita]]>;
<![CDATA[Sekarningrum, Bintarsih]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13 No. 2 (2023): Vol. 13 No. 2, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v13i2.27792
<![CDATA[The development of digitalization has had an impact on the increasing cases of cyberbullying among Indonesian youth, especially in urban areas such as Jakarta, Surabaya, and Bandung. This article finds out why teenagers in urban areas are rampant in carrying out cyberbullying behavior. The existing studies were examined to map the causes and forms of cyberbullying experienced by teenagers in the three cities by applying inclusion and exclusion criteria. Employing Anthony Giddens structuration theory, this article reveals that cyberbullying among urban teenagers is the impact of the relationship between agents and structures that shape social reality. In Jakarta, cyberbullying has emerged as a result of the lack of social support from peers and the low emotional intelligence that teenagers have. In Surabaya, cyberbullying arose as a result of lack of self-control and parental evaluation mediation, low self-esteem, and a strong desire for self-recognition in order to show their power. In Bandung, cyberbullying arose as a result of the anonymity and authoritarian pattern of parental care.]]>
<![CDATA[Online Political Branding of Presidential Candidates: A Comparison of Ganjar Pranowo and Anies Baswedan in Indonesia’s 2024 Election ]]>
<![CDATA[Fatikha, Nindya Tiara]]>;
<![CDATA[Suranto, Suranto]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13 No. 2 (2023): Vol. 13 No. 2, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v13i2.27908
<![CDATA[Ahead of the impending 2024 Presidential Election, the topic of presidential candidates was frequently debated in all Indonesian media. Ganjar Pranowo and Anies Baswedan were political actors who planned to run in the 2024 presidential election. Both of them utilized Twitter to foster political discussion while expanding their fame. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach and the Nvivo 12Plus program to compare Ganjar Pranowo's and Anies Baswedan's political branding in developing political communication ahead of the 2024 Presidential Election on Twitter. The comparison of political branding is based on looks, personality, and significant political messages. The findings suggest that Ganjar Pranowo and Anies Baswedan used their Twitter accounts to conduct vast and extensive political branding campaigns. Ganjar Pranowo and Anies Baswedan scored the highest on the appearance indication for dress style. Ganjar Pranowo demonstrated personality by succeeding in the importance of public relations, whilst Anies Baswedan did so through his speaking manner. Ganjar Pranowo's major political message emphasized the value of desire, whilst Anies Baswedan emphasized the value of achievement.]]>
<![CDATA[Gender Equality, Disability and Social Inclusion Approach to Disaster Management Policy: The Case of the Bali Disaster Response Authority ]]>
<![CDATA[Rimbawan, I Putu Dedy]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurhaeni, Anik]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13 No. 2 (2023): Vol. 13 No. 2, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v13i2.28396
<![CDATA[This article describes the application of the GEDSI (Gender Equality, Disability, and Social Inclusion) approach to disaster management policies with special reference to the Province of Bali. The province, which frequently experiences natural disasters such as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and floods, recognizes the need to pay attention to gender differences, disabilities and social inclusion in all aspects of disaster management. The GEDSI approach promotes active participation and an equal role for all community members in dealing with disasters. The findings show that Bali is committed to ensuring equal access to information, protection and disaster management services for vulnerable groups. It seeks to integrate a gender perspective in disaster management planning, including ensuring women's participation in decision-making and their involvement in policy implementation. In addition, the GEDSI approach also emphasizes social inclusion and the needs of people with disabilities. Bali seeks to remove physical and social barriers that may impede the participation and accessibility of persons with disabilities during disasters. Disabled persons-friendly facilities and services are provided, and disability groups are involved in policy planning and evaluation. With the GEDSI approach, disaster management in Bali can be inclusive and responsive to the needs of all individuals. This approach will ensure equity, respect human rights and enhance sustainability in the face of natural disasters.]]>
<![CDATA[Festival as Cultural Diplomacy: Kurultáj and Its Implementation in Hungary ]]>
<![CDATA[Pratama, Cakra Diaz]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Ario Bimo]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13 No. 2 (2023): Vol. 13 No. 2, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v13i2.28412
<![CDATA[Diplomatic endeavours encompass a range of strategies, including the organisation of cultural festivals, which serve not only as a means of engaging a broader audience but also as platforms for expressing a nation's identity. One notable example is the Kurultáj festival, which took place in Hungary under the auspices of the Magyar Turán AlapÃtvány. This festival exemplifies the practice of cultural diplomacy, attracting participation from various Central Asian nations. Through cultural diplomacy, participating countries aim to promote their respective national interests within the framework of the Kurultáj festival. This article examines the implementation of the Kurultáj festival between 2008 and 2022, focusing specifically on its association with neo-propagandist cultural diplomacy. It argues that the Kurultáj festival cannot be solely categorised as a manifestation of neo-propagandist cultural diplomacy.]]>
