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<![CDATA[Mewujudkan Politik Simpatik Dengan Menigkatkan Pendidikan Karakter (Tinjauan dari Perspektif Filsafat Politik Armada Riyanto) ]]>
<![CDATA[Dominggus, Hyronimus Ario]]>;
<![CDATA[Pandor, Pius]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 14 No. 2 (2022): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v14i2.7603
<![CDATA[Abstrak: Penelitian studi ini memiliki tujuan menelaah pendidikan karakter sebagai fondasi atau titik tolak terwujudnya politik simpatik. Politik simpatik dalam hal ini merujuk pada bagaimana kekuasaan itu diolah dengan baik. Dewasa ini politik seperti itu sedang mengalami degradasi. Fenomena banyaknya kasus korupsi, sikap apatis dan intoleransi di lingkaran para pejabat atau pemimpinan negara mencerminkan situasi melemahnya “roh†politik simpatik tersebut. Tentu saja ada begitu banyak asumsi yang menggarisbawahi alasan dibalik fenomena itu muncul. Menurut penulis peningkatan pendidikan karakter mendesak untuk diimplementasikan. Pendidikan karakter sedapat mungkin dikenal dan didalami setiap masyarakat, terutama generasi muda. Riset ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif yakni studi pustaka dengan pendekatan fenomenologis dan ditinjau dari perspektif Filsafat Politik Armada Riyanto. Dari riset ini, penulis menemukan titik dasar apa yang menjadi penopang keberhasilan sebuah politik simpatik yakni melalui pendidikan karakter. Melalui mutu Pendidikan karakter yang baik dan efesien, anak bangsa akan mampu mengaktualkan semangat politik simpatik ini.]]>
<![CDATA[ANTARA “ALAT TULIS ATAU ALAT COBLOSâ€: STUDI KASUS SURAT SUARA TIDAK SAH DALAM PEMILIHAN SERENTAK LANJUTAN 2020 DI KABUPATEN SEMARANG ]]>
<![CDATA[maskup, maskupmutarlih]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 14 No. 1 (2022): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v14i1.7658
<![CDATA[The purpose of this review is to study the Pattern of Invalid Ballot due to the voter’s incomprehension on the recommendations in the C-Notification Form to bring their own stationary. This descriptive qualitative research uses documentation studies and interviews as the data collection method, it identified that the invalid ballots pattern arises from the use of stationary as the election tool. The use of stationary as the election tool contributes to the significant high number of invalid ballots in the Semarang Regency which reached the total of 33.511 invalid ballots or 5,5% from 608.997 people who exercised their right to vote, in fact in some Voting Places the total number of invalid ballots was more than 10%. It was further revealed that the reason the stationary was used as the election tool, among others was because voters were afraid of getting infected by the virus if the election tools were used interchangeable by other voters. Secondly, the recommendation for voters to bring their own stationary, unconsciously reminded people of the mark ballots in the 2009 Election and due to this, in some Voting Places in the last Semarang Regent 2020 General Election, many stationaries were left behind]]>
<![CDATA[Bejing : Status Sosial, Jagoanisme, dan Klebunan ]]>
<![CDATA[asmawati]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 14 No. 2 (2022): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v14i2.8376
<![CDATA[Kajian dari tulisan ini adalah terkait tokoh lokal di daerah Madura yang dikenal dengan status sosial dan jagoanisme yang dimiliki dan diakui oleh masyarakat. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana Bejing bertindak sebagai klebun yang memiliki status sosial dan jagoanisme yang melekat pada diri Bejing. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode studi kasus untuk dapat mengungkap secara mendalam bagaimana Bejing sebagai tokoh lokal yang terlibat dalam pemerintahan formal. Hasil dari penelitan ini adalah Bejing memiliki status sosial tinggi di Madura setelah kyai dimana keberadaanya melekat khas kewibawaan. Bejing juga bertindsak sebagai tokoh yang memiliki jagoanisme dimana Bejing ditakuti karena memiliki sifat kesatria dibuktikan dengan penempuhan jalan carok dalam penyelesaian masalah. Bejing juga terjun dalam pemerintahan formal dimana modal sosial yang dimiliki membuka kesempatam Bejing memimpin desa. Kontribusi keilmuan artikel ini adalah Bejing bertindak sebagai pemimpin pemerintahan formal dengan status sosial dan jagoanisme yang dimiliki.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Resolusi Konflik Pasca Disahkan Undang Undang Nomor 2 Tahun 2021 Tentang Otonomi Khusus Jilid II Papua ]]>
<![CDATA[Suriadin, Suriadin]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 14 No. 2 (2022): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v14i2.8404
<![CDATA[Salah satu persoalan utama di Papua adalah permasalahan konflik yang tidak kunjung selesai sejak proses integrasi Papua ke Indonesia tahun 1969. Berbagai kebijakan pemerintah pusat telah dilakukan demi terciptanya situasi yang aman, damai dan kondusif serta bertujuan untuk peningkatan pembangunan dan kesejahteraan masyarakat Papua. Lahirnya Undang-Undang Nomor 2 tahun 2021 tentang Otonomi Khusus Papua Jilid 2 merupakan bagian dari upaya pemerintah dalam mencapai konsensus serta resolusi konflik di Papua. Metode penelitian ini adalah kualitatif dengan analisis deskriptif. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah menjelaskan Sejarah Integrasi Papua, Poin Strategis Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua tahun 2001 dan Resolusi Konflik Melalui UU Otonomi Khusus Jilid II]]>
<![CDATA[Perbandingan Representasi Perempuan di Parlemen Indonesia dan Filipina ]]>
<![CDATA[Arawi, Fadia Amellia]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 14 No. 2 (2022): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v14i2.8600
<![CDATA[The purpose of this article is to examine the contrasts between the Philippines and Indonesia between the two countries. Both countries share the same democracy system, but its democratic value has not been fully operational, and there is still an imbalance for women in the parliament. The problem focused on the disparity of right to politically correct between women and men who were not equally equal. To analyze the problem using the theory of representation according to Hanna pitkin in (niron & seda, 2020), representational representation is divided into 4 of them: formal descriptive, substantiating/resonant and symbolic. Formal representation focuses on the rule of law on the procedure of how a representative is chosen or replaced. Descriptive reliability is focused on compositions that are proportionately composed between those represented and represented. Descriptive adherence is focused on composition in parliament. Subthanctive/clergy awareness focuses on a representative who should be in line with the person it represents. The last time of symbolic representation, it focused on how strongly the symbol was viewed by the viewer. Data was collected through literature studies from previous studies and qualitative analysis. Research has concluded that, based on ipu data in the 2019 elections in Indonesia, women's representations in parliament are only 17.39% while the Philippine parliament is at 27.96%. But in second representation]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Strategi Buzzer Dalam Amplifikasi Pesan Kepada Publik Pada Lingkungan Demokrasi Politik ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurul Jannah Lailatul Fitria]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 15 No. 1 (2023): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v15i1.8724
<![CDATA[Indonesia has been listed as a multifaceted Internet country. Even Indonesia ranks with a large number of Internet users in the world. People's use of the Internet and technology created communicators, such as infludilution and buzzer. The communicators represent digital marketing. The influence and the buzzer used social media to communicate information. Specifically, buzzer was not only the digital marketing of products and services but was transitively converted into political buzzers. It was based on this research to say the buzzer was the role of the casting of messages in a time of political democracy. Research USES descriptive qualitative methods by expounding a phenomenon in detail and the reality of a phenomenon with the results of data collection in the field. Collecting literature or literature data. To identify the buzzer, its message with the buzzer and buzzer in the maelstrom of political democracy. Some picture examples of amplifying the message by the buzzer led to negative democracy instead of positive democracy. There is amplification of messages that lead to false news, hate speech and black campaign. The conditions proved that the buzzer in the amplification of a democratic form of democracy went away mainly in the political sphere.]]>
<![CDATA[Demokrasi dan E-Government Memetakan Perhatian Dunia Hari ini (Studi Tentang Empat Lembaga Indeksasi) ]]>
<![CDATA[Tawakkal, George Towar Ikbal]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 15 No. 1 (2023): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v15i1.8879
<![CDATA[The development of e-government has attracted the attention of many activists and has become the new face of government in the world. E-government is seen as the best collaboration between the public sector and technology and is seen as the success of government innovation. Its role as a channel of interaction between the government and citizens, causes the implementation of e-government to be believed to be in line with the development of democratization. Today, many agencies assess the implementation of e-government. The most common, assessment is in the form of indexes. Among the indexes commonly referred to are The Global Open Data Index (GODI), The E-Government Index (EGI), The National Cyber Security Index (NCSI), and local indexation as an example is Indonesia with the Indonesian E-Government Rating (PeGI). Amid various indicators that underlie these indexes, this article asks the question, what are the main aspects that e-government activists pay attention to? Through a literature review sourced from various institutions that manage the indexes, this article concludes that e-government activists pay more attention to e-government development strategies, and at the same time become the aspect that requires the most attention.]]>
<![CDATA[New Media, Incumbency and Malaysian Politics: The Defeat of the Barisan Nasional (BN) in GE14 (2018) ]]>
<![CDATA[Warganegara, Arizka]]>;
<![CDATA[Febriansyah , Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Kuok Tiung, Lee]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 15 No. 1 (2023): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v15i1.8883
<![CDATA[The Malaysian 14th General Election (GE14) has ended the political domination of Barisan Nasional (BN) of the last 61 years and resulted in a new discussion in Malaysian politics. The main purpose of this study is to explore the factors that caused BN to fail in the last election and to refine the incumbency theory posited by Hirano and Snyder Jr (2012) and Torcal (2014). We argue that various factors have contributed to the defeat of the BN government in the 14th GE, namely the 1MDB corruption scandal, the implementation of the progressive Good and Service Tax (GST), the rise of living costs, and the China-oriented foreign and economic policies, as well as the Mahathir factor. Our results also contribute to further developing incumbency theory. Instead of relying on traditional factor of incumbent defeat in election such as scandal and economic factors, the role of new media in spreading the news about the corruption scandal and the government’s economic underperformance have also contributed to a political shift in Malaysia.]]>
<![CDATA[Gerakan Politik Agraria oleh Petani di Indonesia (Studi pada Serikat Petani Indonesia) ]]>
<![CDATA[Randa Putra Kasea Sinaga]]>;
<![CDATA[Fajar Utama Ritonga]]>;
<![CDATA[Andry Anshari]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 15 No. 1 (2023): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v15i1.8964
<![CDATA[Based on the transformation of the agrarian struggle into a political movement carried out by Serikat Petani Indonesia (SPI) as a mass peasant organization over the problem of inequality in agrarian control in Indonesia, this paper describes and analyzes how the pattern of agrarian political movements is carried out. By using data collection techniques such as literature studies and in-depth interviews at the SPI management level (from the base level in the village sector; the regional level in the provincial sector, as well as the central level in charge of the national and international sectors).By using the Narrative Research Analysis approach, the authors classify the patterns of political movements carried out by SPI, classified into local, national and international levels, each level having links as a pattern that is deemed necessary to synergize with each levels. SPI has taken actions from a social, economic, cultural, and political standpoint that are manifestations of views based on problems faced by peasants themselves. Based on the findings of this study, the authors believe that agrarian issues necessitate a massive multi-dimensional political movement that is justly oriented toward the interests of the people.]]>
<![CDATA[Pemasaran Politik Lilis Nurlia dan Eka Widyani Latief Pada Pemilu 2019 di Kota Bekasi ]]>
<![CDATA[Setiyani, Wiji]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 15 No. 1 (2023): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v15i1.9001
<![CDATA[The 2019 election is a new history because the elections were held simultaneously. This creates a challenge for the legislative candidates on how to inform and convince the public. The number of elected female candidates is still small compared to the male candidates. Hence the need for political marketing, to be able to win the election. Political marketing is a candidate's strategy to win the election. This paper aims to explain the political marketing of Lilis Nurlia and Eka Widyani Latief in the 2019 election in Bekasi City by using the political marketing theory of Philip B. Niffenegger. The research method used is qualitative research with a case study approach to obtain an overview of the phenomenon from the political marketing experience of Lilis Nurlia and Eka Widyani Latief. The result is that Lilis Nurlia and Eka Widyani Latief can implement political marketing properly according to product, price, promotion, and place. It becomes interesting when Lilis Nurlia uses a success team in facing the 2019 election, while Eka Widyani Latief does not use a success team. Lilis Nurlia served in 2014 and Eka Widyani Latief served in the 2004 and 2009 elections in Bekasi City. This means that Lilis Nurlia and Eka Widyani are one step ahead of the other candidates.]]>
