DINAMIKA GLOBAL : JURNAL ILMU HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL
Jurnal Dinamika Global is a scholarly International Relations journal which is published two volumes a year in June and December by School of International Relations of Faculty of Social and Political Science of Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI), Cimahi. The journal covers broud subject areas ranging from security studies, diplomacy, global political economy, ecological issues, foreign policy, regionalism, peace studies and conflict, transnational issues, etc. Dinamika Global means that articles which are submitted must discuss global issues and have global perspectives. The Editor welcomes articles submission from academics, researchers, also practitioners from local and abroad to enhance our understanding regarding global dynamic.
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202 Documents
<![CDATA[MENAKAR KOHERENSI TATA KELOLA PERUBAHAN IKLIM ATAS HAK MASYARAKAT ADAT DALAM PROGRAM PERDAGANGAN KARBON DI KALIMANTAN TIMUR ]]>
<![CDATA[Amin, Khoirul]]>;
<![CDATA[Paramitha, Devy Indah]]>;
<![CDATA[Al Farauqi, Mohamad Dziqie Aulia]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 2 (2024): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v9i2.2768
<![CDATA[As part of climate change mitigation efforts and Indonesia's commitment to realizing low-emission land-based development, the Indonesian government through the Ministry of Environment and Forestry (KLHK) and the World Bank are following up on the REDD+ agenda through the Forest Carbon Partnership Facility (FCPF). The agreement aims to provide full support for increasing Indonesia's capacity in formulating a national strategy in realizing reduced emissions from deforestation and forest degradation. East Kalimantan Province is the selected region to follow the emission reduction target. The target set is to reduce emissions by 41% in 2030. In its development, the framework has entered the implementation phase and results-based payments. However, the distribution of incentives from selling carbon to Indigenous peoples as parties who have rights to carbon and are involved in forest management initiatives has not benefited directly. This research aims to analyze further how the realization of profit sharing and fulfillment of Indigenous peoples' rights over forest management in the FCPF project is a form of coherence in climate change governance towards Indigenous peoples' rights in a fair manner. Using a descriptive qualitative approach, data collection was triangulated through interviews and literature for further reduction and conclusions drawn. The results of this research state that the lack of inclusion of Indigenous communities in an inclusive and participatory manner in the carbon trading framework has the potential to reduce the rights of Indigenous communities to decentralized forest management and their welfare in carbon trading projects.]]>
<![CDATA[KERJASAMA PEMERINTAH KOTA MAKASSAR DENGAN INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR MIGRATION (IOM) DALAM PROYEK "BUILDING HEALTHY CITY" (2018-2020) ]]>
<![CDATA[Dwi Syafrila, Naurah Khasanah]]>;
<![CDATA[Meganingratna, Andi]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 2 (2024): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v9i2.2771
<![CDATA[This study examines how the Makassar city government collaborates with international organizations for migration (IOM) in addressing urban health challenges faced by cities with rapid urbanization such as Makassar. The Building Healthy City project is an innovative solution for the city of Makassar by utilizing technology to refocus urban health policies with expertise, resources and funds from each party involved in the project. With the implementation of paradiplomacy through maximum transnational public-private partnerships, the city government has succeeded in increasing its local capacity and providing better health services.]]>
<![CDATA[IMPLEMENTASI KERJA SAMA INDONESIA-AUSTRALIA MELALUI AIPTIS (AUSTRALIA-INDONESIA PARTNERSHIP TOWARDS AN INCLUSIVE SOCIETY) DI SULAWESI SELATAN TAHUN 2021-2023 ]]>
<![CDATA[nastiti, Nala Nourma]]>;
<![CDATA[Panorama, Anggun Dwi]]>;
<![CDATA[Ar-Raffi, Muhammad Fadel]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 2 (2024): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v9i2.2997
<![CDATA[The development of gender issues in International Relations makes discussions related to efforts to inclusivize women as marginalized people experiencing various subordination and discrimination in economic and social inequality. Various international responses through global frameworks have begun to develop discussions related to gender equality in all fields of life. This requires each country to develop domestic and foreign policies, one of which is through cooperation in gender equality and women's empowerment efforts with various countries or other actors in international relations. Indonesia continues to seek cooperation with various countries, including Australia as the closest partner and has a high commitment to gender equality and women's empowerment. Australia as the closest partner and has a high commitment in realizing gender equality. The AIPTIS Agreement (Australia-Indonesia Partnership Towards an Inclusive Society) is a continuation of cooperation between Indonesia and Australia with the main objective of improving gender equality and social inclusion for the creation of a tolerant and inclusive society. The cooperation emphasizes cooperation with civil society as a facilitator partner with Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) to achieve goals. This research focuses on analyzing the implementation of such cooperation through various existing NGOs using the perspective of international cooperation studies and liberal feminism.]]>
<![CDATA[KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI AMERIKA SERIKAT TERHADAP KONFLIK LAUT CHINA SELATAN 2021-2023 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ali Akbar, Feri Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Bainus, Arry]]>;
<![CDATA[Djumala, Darmansjah]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 2 (2024): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v9i2.3004
<![CDATA[The South China Sea conflict has always been an issue in international affairs. China's unilateral claim to the nine-dash line in the waters of the South China Sea has created various dynamics. The polemics come both from countries that directly intersect with the South China Sea, or from countries that are far from the waters of the South China Sea like the United States. The foreign policy of the United States in intervening in the South China Sea conflict is inseparable from its national interests.]]>
<![CDATA[FROM MINISTER TO PRESIDENT: MEARSHEIMERISM IN INDONESIA'S DEFENSE DIPLOMACY UNDER PRABOWO SUBIANTO ADMINISTRATION ]]>
<![CDATA[Benarrivo, Renaldo]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 2 (2024): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v9i2.3030
<![CDATA[The invitation of John Mearsheimer as a geopolitical speaker at the ministerial candidates briefing event entitled “Hambalang Retreat” by President Prabowo Subianto on October 17, 2024, illustrates the president's particular preferences regarding geopolitical topics that are heavily influenced by thoughts of Mearsheimer that in this article are referred to as “Mearsheimerism”. This has been reflected since the beginning of Subianto’s leadership in the Indonesian Ministry of Defense, which is attractive to review regarding the extent to which the contextualization of structural realism has been in defense policy decision-making, especially in Indonesia's defense diplomacy. Explaining how the government carried out its defense diplomacy process under the Subianto administration is necessary and exciting. This research was conducted using the qualitative research method. The results found several linearities between the main ideas of Mearsheimer and the main ideas of Indonesia's defense diplomacy.]]>
<![CDATA[THE (UN)SILENT ENEMY: HOW INDONESIAN PUBLIC OPINION IS UNDERMINING NATIONAL DEFENSE ]]>
<![CDATA[Triantama, Febry]]>;
<![CDATA[Indradi Abdul, Tafarel Sebrio]]>;
<![CDATA[Rayasti, Avelitra Fitrianni]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 2 (2024): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v9i2.3034
<![CDATA[The inadequate state of Indonesia's defense posture appears to be an open secret that has been known to the public for decades. Indonesia's weak defense posture is not only caused by the quantity of defense equipment owned, which is not aligned with the needs, but it is also caused by the large number of Indonesian defense equipment aged over 30 years. The fundamental cause of Indonesia's weak defense posture is a lack of adequate defense budget support. Referring to various studies, ideally, Indonesia allocates a defense budget above 1% of GDP. However, Indonesia has stagnantly allocated a defense budget of 0.7%-0.9% of GDP. The breakthrough that the government was trying to make through the discourse on a budget of 1,700 trillion for acquiring defense equipment failed to materialize because it was rejected. Through analysis using theories related to the determinants of the defense budget, this article concludes that the stagnation of the Indonesian defense budget is caused by low public support for increasing the defense budget. Lacking public support has resulted in the government choosing to allocate the funding to other, more populist sectors, such as infrastructure development and well-being. It is also intended that the political elite gain electoral support.]]>
<![CDATA[THE OPTIMIZATION STRATEGY OF DEFENSE DIPLOMACY IN THE STRATEGIC DIALOGUE FORUM: INDONESIA'S PARTICIPATION IN THE SHANGRI-LA DIALOGUE ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahroza, Jonni]]>;
<![CDATA[Banyu Perwita, Anak Agung]]>;
<![CDATA[Inkiriwang, Frega Ferdinand Wenas]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 2 (2024): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v9i2.3042
<![CDATA[This study discusses Indonesia’s Defense Diplomacy optimization strategy in the Shangri-La Dialogue forum. It also deciphers the role of the Indonesian Minister of Defense in achieving national interests in the strategic forum. The findings show that the formulation of Indonesia's national interest in defense diplomacy refer to the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution, the application of free and active foreign policy, and the vision of the President. The role of Defense Minister is very vital in articulating Indonesia's national interests through effective speeches in the strategic dialogue forums. This article shows that despite the challenges due to dynamics in the scope of global and regional geopolitics, the involvement of the Indonesian Defense Minister in strategic forums has succeeded in strengthening Indonesia's diplomacy to the international arena and provides positive contributions to regional stability. This study recommends the need to develop more structured defense diplomacy strategy and long-term vision to face growing global challenges.]]>
<![CDATA[ANALISIS IMPLIKASI KERJASAMA SISTER CITY YOGYAKARTA DAN GYEONGSANGBUK-DO DALAM PEMBENTUKAN KOTA TANGGUH MELALUI PROGRAM SAEMAUL UNDONG ]]>
<![CDATA[Hasymi, Aditya Maulana]]>;
<![CDATA[Adninda, Gardyas Bidari]]>;
<![CDATA[Putri, Megan Alvira]]>;
<![CDATA[Ariani, Diva Suci]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 2 (2024): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v9i2.3069
<![CDATA[One strategic approach to address the issue of changing global political configurations is foreign collaboration by cities through local governments. Through a cooperation with the South Korean city of Gyeongsangbuk-do, Yogyakarta was able to implement the sister city foreign relations, which has the ability to address regional issues. Literature reviews and in-depth interviews were used in this study to determine the effects on the community of the Saemaul Undong program's creation of resilient cities. This research aims to determine the implications of sister city between Gyeongsangbuk-do and Yogyakarta on the development of resilient cities under the Saemaul Undong program. According to the perspective of resilient cities, the implications of sister city cooperation on resilient cities is reflected in the synergy of participatory roles between the elements involved based on the institutional liberalism approach, as well as the increase in community resilience through community economic growth.]]>
<![CDATA[KONSTRUKTIVISME: DAMPAK PELEMAHAN KONSTITUSI TERHADAP PEMERINTAH, STUDI KASUS KPK RI ]]>
<![CDATA[Sopamena, Chairussani Abbas]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 2 (2024): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v9i2.3100
<![CDATA[This research examines the impact of the weakening of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) on the credibility of the Indonesian government in the context of international relations. Using a constructivist perspective, this study analyzes how the revision of the KPK Law in 2019 and other weakening efforts have affected the social construction of Indonesia's identity as a country committed to eradicating corruption. The research shows that the weakening of the KPK has significantly impacted the decline in corruption enforcement performance, as reflected in the decrease in the number of sting operations and the slowdown in investigation processes. This has resulted in a decline in public trust and Indonesia's Corruption Perception Index score. The impact of the KPK's weakening is also evident in the investment climate, where foreign investors are beginning to doubt Indonesia's commitment to combating corruption. Moreover, Indonesia's position in bilateral and multilateral cooperation, as well as in international forums such as the G20 and APEC, has also been negatively affected. This study concludes that to reconstruct its credibility, the Indonesian government needs to undertake comprehensive efforts involving regulatory reform, human resource development, strengthening of anti-corruption institutions, and effective public diplomacy. This research contributes to the understanding of the importance of strong anti-corruption institutions in building and maintaining government credibility in the international arena.]]>
<![CDATA[NETRALITAS WTO DALAM MENYELESAIKAN SENGKETA PERDAGANGAN ANTARA BRASIL VS AMERIKA SERIKAT ]]>
<![CDATA[Setya Pradhana, Lalu Zidan Pandu]]>;
<![CDATA[Prakoso, Havidz Ageng]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 10 No 1 (2025): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v10i1.3188
<![CDATA[Trade dispute cases between Brazil and the United States cover a wide range of issues, from agricultural subsidies to trade policy. However, the neutrality of the WTO in these cases is an aspect that stands out. The WTO strives not to favor any particular country, but rather adheres to the principles of objectivity and fairness. In resolving the dispute between Brazil and the United States, the WTO uses various mechanisms. One of them is the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB), which acts as a forum to resolve disputes between member countries. This process involves stages such as consultations, panels, and appellate bodies. Through this process, the WTO ensures that arguments and evidence from both sides are carefully considered before making a decision. The neutrality of the WTO is reflected in the decisions taken in these cases. While there may be political pressure from member countries, the WTO tries to be unaffected and decide based on the facts and applicable law. This is a very important principle in maintaining the integrity of the international trading system.]]>
