Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora
Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora was founded in 2001 with the aim of seeking a new scientific ethos in the humanities with an interdisciplinary, political, and textual spirit. It was, and still remains, the aspiration of Retorik to foster humanities research with a scientific ethos capable of responding to the needs of the Indonesian society that continues to strive to become more democratic, just, and pluralistic in the aftermath of long authoritarian rule, under social, economic, and political conditions still characterized by inequality. In its interdisciplinary spirit, Retorik has drawn insights from an array of disciplines, most notably, political economy, language (including semiotics), and psychoanalysis, to that end. As various managerial requirements stifle the passion for academic and intellectual life, while simultaneously in the broader Indonesian society, the ideals of Reformation are frustrated by political and economic oligarchy that continues to exist with impunity, Retorik affirms the need to defend a scientific ethos at present, for the future. In light of its aims, Retorik promotes original research that makes advances in the following areas: 1. Historically-informed studies that engage with the conditions, contexts, and relations of power within which the humanities were born, and with which the humanities are entwined. 2. Dialogues with various disciplines in the humanities and social sciences, including history, sociology, psychology, and anthropology. 3. Interdisciplinary research pertaining to critical pedagogy, religious and cultural studies, art studies, and new social movements. 4. Experimentation with new forms of knowledge that foster the formation of a more democratic, just, and plural society. 5. Studies that are sensitive to the vital role of both technology and art in contemporary society and seek to understand the ways in which art, technology, and economy together contribute to the formation of contemporary cultures and societies.
Articles
102 Documents
<![CDATA[Ritual Mantunu Tedong dalam Pusaran Ideologi Adat, Agama dan Kapitalisme ]]>
<![CDATA[Pangrante Frans]]>
<![CDATA[ Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora Vol 5, No 1 (2017): Agama dan Praktik Hidup Sehari-hari ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sanata Dharma University ]]>
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DOI: 10.24071/ret.v5i1.1513
<![CDATA[Mantunu tedong yang dilakukan oleh orang Toraja pada masa kini dibentuk oleh berbagai macam elemen-elemen sosial yang sangat terkait dengan situasi eksistensial orang Toraja. Dari penelitian, ditemukan bahwa mantunu tedong merupakan ritual yang dipergelarkan dalam konteks adat, agama dan situasi ekonomi global mutakhir. Fokus kajian dalam penelitian ini adalah tentang ideologi-ritual dengan menggunakan konsep-konsep ideologi Althusser. Kritik ideologi Althusser dipilih peneliti karena dapat membantu untuk menguraikan dua pokok pembahasan: ideologi-ideologi yang membentuk tradisi mantunu tedong kontemporer dan cara orang Toraja memaknai tradisi tersebut. Dalam penelitian ini, peneliti berangkat dari dua pertanyaan mendasar, yaitu (1) ideologi macam apa yang membentuk tradisi mantunu tedong dalam ritual pemakaman orang Toraja kontemporer? dan (2) bagaimana orang Toraja pada masa kini memaknai tradisi mantunu tedong?]]>
<![CDATA[Pementasan Bocah Bajang: Negosiasi Teater terhadap Media Massa atas Fenomena Ponari ]]>
<![CDATA[Airani Sasanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora Vol 4, No 2 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sanata Dharma University ]]>
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DOI: 10.24071/ret.v4i2.418
<![CDATA[Fenomena Ponari merupakan peristiwa pengobatan tradisional yang muncul pada tahun 2009 dan menjadi berita besar di media massa. Praktik pengobatan ini dilakukan Ponari, seorang anak berusia sembilan tahun, yang mampu mengundang perhatian banyak orang dan membuat puluhan ribu orang datang ke lokasi pengobatan. Praktik pengobatan ini menggunakan sebuah batu sebagai medium penyembuhan. Praktik pengobatan oleh Ponari menimbulkan berbagai reaksi dari banyak pihak yang setuju dan tidak setuju, dan reaksi-reaksi itu diberitakan dari berbagai sudut pandang dalam media massa. Fenomena Ponari juga menarik perhatian Teater Garasi. Melalui program Actor Studio Teater Garasi, fenomena Ponari direspon dengan menghadirkan peristiwa pengobatan tersebut dalam pementasan teater berjudul Bocah Bajang. Tulisan ini ingin menunjukkan bagaimana Actor Studio Teater Garasi menarasikan fenomena Ponari, di mana peristiwa tersebut sudah terlebih dahulu dikonstruksi media massa, ke dalam pementasan Bocah Bajang, serta membaca negosiasi seperti apa yang ditawarkan oleh teater terhadap media massa dalam rangka memaknai fenomena Ponari.]]>
<![CDATA[Tugu Ngejaman: Penanda Kuasa dan Pengingat Waktu di Yogyakarta ]]>
<![CDATA[Heronimus Heron]]>
<![CDATA[ Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora Vol 10, No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sanata Dharma University ]]>
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DOI: 10.24071/ret.v10i1.4850
<![CDATA[Tugu Ngejaman or Stadsklok is a monument to commemorate a century of the return of Java to the Dutch colonial rule in 1916. This story begins with the French conquest of the Netherlands in January 1795 which led to the conquest of Java in 1808-1811. But France finally lost the war against Russia in 1814, so the Netherlands negotiated with Britain over its colonies. The British and the Dutch managed to reach an agreement to cede Java to the Dutch, while the British took control of Malacca in 1816. In this paper, I trace the history of the establishment of the Ngejaman monument, the meaning of the Ngejaman monument for the Dutch population in Yogyakarta, and the reasons for maintaining the Ngejaman monument today. I use Walter Benjamin's perspective on aura to explore the relationship between monuments and history and the technological revolution. The data in this paper comes from archival documents and existing scholarly literature, interviews, as well as field observations that elucidate the Ngejaman monument and the activities of the surrounding community. This study finds that the construction of the Ngejaman monument was related to the markers of Dutch colonial power in Yogyakarta and the "revolution of time" in the modern society. However, the Yogyakarta City Government maintains the Ngejaman monument without providing a narrative about the history of the monument's establishment in Malioboro. The government ignores historical literacy in tourism development in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, even when the importance of preserving the Ngejaman monument lies in its being a marker of the introduction of time as a regulator of modern human activity in Yogyakarta and a reminder that liberation has not necessarily meant freedom for all.]]>
<![CDATA[Semangat Kokutai dan Konsep Identitas Nasional dalam Kebijakan Nasional Film Jepang ]]>
<![CDATA[Agnes Siwi Purwaning Tyas]]>
<![CDATA[ Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora Vol 10, No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sanata Dharma University ]]>
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DOI: 10.24071/ret.v10i1.4808
<![CDATA[The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere was Japan’s imperialist attempt to control the economies of East Asia and Southeast Asia in the first half of the twentieth century. The constituents of the Sphere included Japan, Korea, China, Manchuria, and some territories in Southeast Asia. To increase agricultural production and strengthen its military force, Japan recruited people from its colonies. As the leader of the Sphere, Japan wished to establish its own identity as distinct from—and superior to—that of the West. Propaganda campaigns and media were carefully prepared to manipulate the thoughts and behavior of the people to contribute to the supposed goal of mutual prosperity in the Sphere, by providing labor power for industry and agriculture as well as the military. Films were central to the Japanese propaganda. From 1936 to 1945, films that contain political and ideological messages of the Japanese leadership were produced and circulated both inside and outside Japan. This research aims to illuminate the identity of the Japanese imperial power that was promoted through the propaganda films and show how the films highlighted nationalism and culture harnessed during the war period as constitutive of Japan’s national identity, or kokutai.]]>
<![CDATA[Tradisi Ter-ater dalam Harmonisasi Sosial: Resolusi Konflik dalam Kontestasi Pilkades Bilapora Barat ]]>
<![CDATA[Nur Fadiah Anisah]]>
<![CDATA[ Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora Vol 10, No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sanata Dharma University ]]>
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DOI: 10.24071/ret.v10i1.4698
<![CDATA[This study aims to see how the tradition of ter-ater (distributing something, usually food, to relatives and close neighbors) of the Madurese community is able to become a solution to the conflicts that arise during the Village Head Election (Pilkades) in West Bilapora. This study uses Max Weber's theory of action and the theory of hegemony offered by Gramsci. This research concludes that ter-ater can have direct implications in the conflict of two or more parties, if it is carried out by people in power who become community leaders. During the pre-election period, giving ateran to rivals is almost an error, which engenders misgivings. However, giving ateran to the people will generate sympathy for the candidate. Post-election, ter-ater can become a symbol for the village head's effort to open "new doors" toward social harmonization.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Literasi Informasi di Komunitas Belajar Qaryah Thayyibah: Pendekatan konsep literasi, teori empat wacana lacan, dan pedagogi kritis ]]>
<![CDATA[Emmanuel Kurniawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora Vol 10, No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sanata Dharma University ]]>
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DOI: 10.24071/ret.v10i1.5130
<![CDATA[Komunitas Belajar Qaryah Thayyibah (KBQT) merupakan lembaga pendidikan non-formal (Pusat Kegiatan Belajar Masyarakat, PKBM) dengan metode non-mainstream Freirean dan Ivan Illich daripada kurikulum konvensional, sehingga unik dalam perspektif pedagogi kritis. Dengan adanya fenomena banjir informasi dan munculnya digital natives di KBQT, muncul pertanyaan seperti (1) bagaimanakah praktik literasi informasi kritis di KBQT; (2) bagaimanakah peran dan posisi guru dalam pembelajaran yang memengaruhi literasi tersebut; dan (3) bagaimana sudut pandang pedagogi kritis melihat fenomena tersebut. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan metode etnografi melalui pendekatan kualitatif, berlokasi di KBQT, Desa Kalibening, Kec. Tingkir, Salatiga, Jawa Tengah dari Desember 2016–Juni 2017. Hasilnya, anak-anak KBQT sudah melakukan literasi informasi kritis, meskipun belum optimal dan tidak sampai ideal. Faktor yang sangat memengaruhi adalah adanya budaya berdiskusi dan mengemukakan pendapat serta pembelajaran berbasis karya. Upaya pengelola untuk tetap berada di jalur sekolah bebas sampai pada tahap tertentu—dibandingkan sekolah formal—membebaskan komunitas ini untuk menentukan metode yang paling sesuai dengan visi pedagogi kritis KBQT, salah satunya menggunakan praktik literasi informasi kritis. Kendati demikian, interaksi pendamping-murid dalam pembelajaran didominasi oleh Wacana Histeris, hanya samar menunjukkan Wacana Analis yang merupakan faktor penting dalam pedagogi kritis. Terlepas dari kekurangan tersebut, KBQT sudah menunjukkan langkah maju untuk mempraktikkan pedagogi kritis dalam literasi informasi.]]>
<![CDATA[Menerima Instagram Apa Adanya: Melacak Pemaknaan dan Fantasi Individu Pelaku Aktivitas Kerja Sebagai Admin terhadap Aplikasi Media Sosial Instagram ]]>
<![CDATA[Hanz Sinelir]]>
<![CDATA[ Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora Vol 10, No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sanata Dharma University ]]>
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DOI: 10.24071/ret.v10i1.4943
<![CDATA[After the birth of the internet, the relationship between humans and technology is often discussed academically in two poles, namely utopia and dystopia. This study uses examples from the popular social network platform Instagram to find out how users interpret their relationship with technology. The subjects in the study were Instagram account admins, either from commercial brands or social movements. The job of an "Instagram admin" is a new job that requires media literate subjects, who are expected to be able to provide insights on the tug-of-war debate about the relationship with technology. This study uses the concept of fantasy, which is closely related to the formation of the subject in Lacanian psychoanalysis, and is also based on the concept of virtuality by Pierre Lévy. The method used in this study is new ethnography combined with clinical psychoanalysis. The main argument of this research is that Instagram works in the subconscious of its users to cover up castration. This is shown when Instagram (and activities on it) presents language in the form of features and algorithms that exhibit dislocation, continuity, experimentation, and affirmation. Under this condition, what transpires is a sado-masochistic interactivity owing to the failure to recognize the space and rules provided by Instagram. This situation causes anxiety, which in turn generates for the users a relation to fantasy ($◊a). For the admins of Instagram accounts, the process is undergone during their work. By having a fantasy ($◊a), admins gain the possibility to interpret Instagram according to what they desire in life.]]>
<![CDATA[Gerakan Fajar Nusantara: Sebuah Proyek Agonistik (?) ]]>
<![CDATA[William Christopher Hariandja]]>
<![CDATA[ Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora Vol 10, No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sanata Dharma University ]]>
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DOI: 10.24071/ret.v10i2.5891
<![CDATA[The Fajar Nusantara Movement, also known as GAFATAR was born as a “religion” and a new movement. Through this paper, I discuss the existence of GAFATAR. The discussion begin by looking at the context in which GAFATAR was born, especially after the movement was widely known due to mass media coverage. After that, I will see GAFATAR as an antagonism vis a vis state in its position. To discuss these problems, I use the method of writing observation literature. The object of study to be examined is: “To what extent can the GAFATAR movement be seen as an antagonism?” Then, the object material from the observation of the literature refers to two things: (1) the history of the birth of GAFATAR and (2) the dynamics of the GAFATAR movement. Limiting the scope of discussion, I choose to see GAFATAR as a political movement, thus setting aside the dogmatic teaching of Islam, which is also the background to the birth of GAFATAR. The purpose of this limitation is to allow the position of GAFATAR to be seen as a new social movement. This paper will focus on understanding GAFATAR as an agonistic project by considering it from the theoretical perspectives of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe.]]>
