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Journal of International Relations Diponegoro
Published by Universitas Diponegoro
ISSN : 30632684     EISSN : 30632684     DOI : https://doi.org/10.14710/jirud.v10i2
Core Subject :
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro publishes articles on contemporary transnational crimes from a variety of methodologies and approaches. The journal was originally established to encourage scholarly publications by students from International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro. JIRUD will be pubished twice a year May and November. Journal of International Relations Diponegoro seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field. Journal of International Relations Diponegoro publishes research, development and review articles in social and political fields with the following scope: 1. Transnational Crime 2. International Crime 3. Security Studies 4. Globalization & Transnationalism 5. Humanitarianism 6. Foreign Policy 7. International Politics
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 500 Documents
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Penolakan Israel terhadap Bantuan Kemanusiaan WCC-EAPPI Aviarma Yuanto; Ika Riswanti Putranti
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 1, Tahun 2019
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i1.22693

Abstract

The World Council of Churches (WCC) is an institution that accommodates Christian unity throughout the world. WCC brings together churches, denominations and church fellowships in more than 110 countries and territories throughout the world, representing more than 500 million Christians. As a religious organization, WCC has a program that focuses on humanitarian assistance, named Ecumenical Accompaniment Program in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI). But since 2016, this WCC-EAPPI’s humanitarian assistance has been refused by Israel. This refusal resulted in many losses especially for conflict victims. This research aims to find out the reasons for Israel thatrefuses the existence of WCC-EAPPI humanitarian assistance. By using aspects of the humanitarian diplomacy concepts, it can be explained by the reason that Israel refused WCC-EAPPI humanitarian assistance. In this refusal, it is inseparable from the perspective, performance and principles of the WCC-EAPPI itself. The suitability of WCC-EAPPI activities with humanitarian diplomacy aspects deserves to be highlighted in explaining the refusal obtained from Israel
17. IMPLEMENTASI REGIONAL COOPERATION AGREEMENT ON COMBATING PIRACY AND ARMED ROBBERY AGAINST SHIP IN ASIA (RECAAP) DALAM MENANGANI KASUS PEROMPAKAN DI LAUT TIONGKOK SELATAN PERIODE 2009-2014 Ezza Navsar Fisabilli; Tri Cahyo Utomo; Shary Charlotte P
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 2, Nomor 3, Tahun 2016
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v2i3.12320

Abstract

Maritime piracy and armed robbery against ship remains important issue due to its nature as athreat to international security, inflicting impacts beyond national borders. Pirate attacks inSouth China Sea is not only disrupting regional security, but also alarms claimant statesaround the sea border. ReCAAP is an agreement signed by 14 countries on 11 November2004. To this date, 20 countries had joined ReCAAP to combat piracy and armed robbery inAsia. The main objective of this research is to analyse piracy and armed robbery against shipactivities in South China Sea in 2009-2014 and also ReCAAP implementation in combatingSouth China Sea piracy and armed robbery against ship in 2009-2014. This explanativeresearch attempts to explain piracy and armed robbery against ship activities and also to giveexamples of ReCAAP implementation in South China Sea. By using neoliberalism paradigm,this research finds that this cooperation which is based on absolute gains and common interestwas implemented through three pillars, that is Information Sharing Center (ISC), CapacityBuilding, and Cooperative Arrangements. Focal Point is the main mechanism in thiscooperation.
Penyesuaian Norma Global di Asia Tenggara: Konsep Adopsi Parsial Dalam Lokalisasi Responsibility to Protect Dalam Krisis Humaniter Myanmar 2008 Asyifa Mahardika; Mohamad Rosyidin
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v6i3.28193

Abstract

Debate over Responsibility to Protect in ASEAN has not reached any consensus up until now. This is caused by a clash between Responsibility to Protect and ASEAN Way. Some argues that Responsibility to Protect is applicable in ASEAN, while the rest thinks otherwise. By using norm localization as part of constructivism, this research aims to give a brand new notion that Responsibility to Protect might be applied partially in ASEAN. A case of study about Myanmar humanitarian crisis in 2008 serves a set of implicit yet explicit proves on how Responsibility to Protect can be applied in ASEAN. Data were collected using literature study and official documentaries, and analyzed using causal-process tracing. The result of this research shows that ASEAN had penetrated all steps in Responsibility to Protect localization. Although the final step isn’t perfectly done yet, ASEAN is proved to be receiving the main principal of Responsibility to Protect
Kebijakan Indonesia pada Era Pemerintahan Presiden Joko Widodo dalam Mewujudkan ASEAN Drug Free Area Hafizh Armaghani; Reni Windiani; Sheiffi Puspapertiwi
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 4, Nomor 2, Tahun 2018
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v4i2.19422

Abstract

From national, regional, to international level, the issue of drug abuse becomes one of the most important issues to be resolved. This issue of drug abuse also become a big problem in Indonesia and other countries in Southeast Asia. ASEAN as a regional institution in Southeast Asia region considers this as an urgency that must be handled comprehensively that eventually countries in Southeast Asia have a shared commitment to create a drug-free area. This research contains a discussion of the Indonesian manifestazion to the commitment of ASEAN Drug Free Area in President Joko Widodo era. This study uses the concept of an international regime, which draws conclusions and from data collected in the field. The results of this study show that Indonesia in the era of President Joko Widodo government made efforts in eradicating drugs referring to the work plan of the ASEAN Drug Free Area. The ASEAN Drug Free Area focus in the form of supply and demand reduction is manifested by Indonesia through their national policy. Indonesia is also implementing its policies in accordance with the ASEAN Drug Free Area work plan which is divided into six aspects: (i) Preventive education, (ii) law enforcement, (iii) treatment and rehabilitation, (iv) research, (v) alternative development, and ( vi) law and cooperation.
DILEMA PRIORITAS: ANALISIS PERUBAHAN KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI BRAZIL ERA BOLSONARO DALAM ISU LINGKUNGAN GLOBAL Nurul Husna
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8 Nomor 4, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i4.36926

Abstract

Changes within Brazil's policy orientation in the environmental sector have been felt since the leadership of President Lula da Silva (2003-2011), then Dilma Roussef (2011-2016), until the realization of the changes was very tangible during the reign of Jair Bolsonaro (2018-present). Bolsonaro's campaign that said if he is elected he will retrack Brazil's environmental policy away from the Paris Agreement has become a huge controversy in the the world. Not to mention that during his reign, changes in domestic and international environmental policies continued to occur. Starting from the merger of environmental management agencies in the Ministry, reducing the allocation of funds for the environment, expanding commercial land in the Amazon Forest, loosening the law for development on Amazon Forest land, up until the creation of many new development projects which being carried out on Amazon Forest land. Various policy changes and the commercialization of land under Bolsonaro's government caused the amount of deforestation in Brazil to increase every year and Brazil's compliance with the provisions of the Paris Agreement decreased. This study uses Hermann's Theory to analyze the causes of changes in policy orientation that occurred in Brazil under Bolsonaro's government. Based on the research that has been done, it is evident that there are two main factors causing the change in policy orientation which are rooted in the leadership factor (Leader Driven) and the Bureaucratic Advocacy factor (Beraucratic Advocacy) from the Bolsonaro government itself.
THE MILITARY ESCALATION BY THE ARCTIC FIVE MEMBERS IN THE ARCTIC OVER THE PERIOD OF 2007 - 2019 Benita Sashia Jayanti; Tri Cahyo Utomo
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 2, Tahun 2019
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i2.23632

Abstract

The Arctic recently has shifted into one of the most appealing topic to be debated in terms of International Politics. The Arctic Five, membered by the United States, Denmark, Canada, Norway, and Russia are undergoing military escalation in the Arctic. Some precedings reports have linked the correlation between the military escalation with the dispute of territorial claims and the abundant of natural resources lying under the bottom of the Arctic Ocean. Perceiving that early conclusion given to this case, writer is being skeptical. The main object of this research is to discover the driven factors causing the military escalation in the Arctic. Throughout the research, writer analyses the case using the defensive realism theory with qualitative method and descriptive research by using literature review. At the end of the research, result is pointing out that the territorial dispute and natural resource are not the main driving factors causing the military escalation. The military escalation is not being used to threat other countries and it is only part of the capabilities fulfillment which has to be done by every country to attain the maximum security and survive within the anarchical international system.
Analisis Sikap Good Faith Non-Compliance Indonesia dalam Upaya Implementasi Konvensi Basel Nehru Anggita; Fendy Eko Wahyudi
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 4, Nomor 3, Tahun 2018
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v4i3.21041

Abstract

Indonesia is a country that is quite active in transboundary hazardous waste issues.Indonesian action is marked by being a participant in the Basel Convention and conductinga campaign to encourage the others country to ratify Ban Amandement. However, thecontinuation of Indonesian action especially in handling illegal transboundary movementof hazardous waste in 2009-2012 is unknown. This study presents an analysis of the actualconditions occurring in Indonesia in 2009-2012. The explanation of the conditionsoccurring in Indonesia is understood through the compliance theory, which fully looks atthe factors driving Indonesia to be willing to deal with the problem of waste movement,knowing the reasons for the absence of Indonesian report to the Secretariat of the BaselConvention, and the Indonesian behavioral category on this issue. There are severalfindings in this study. First, in fact the handling of illegal transboundary movement ofhazardous waste has been done well by Indonesia. Secondly, the absence of a report fromIndonesia to the Secretariat of the Basel Convention is due to the internal problems of theinstitution. Third, the condition of Indonesia in this matter can be categorized as good faithnon-compliance.
Kampanye #IBELONG UNHCR Dalam Membantu Mengakhiri Isu Statelessness di Kirgizstan Medina Azahara
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 9, Nomor 1, Tahun 2023
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v9i1.37591

Abstract

One of the fundamental rights that humans have is the right to have nationality. When someone is granted a nationality by a country, he or she has been fully recognized by that country which will automatically protect the other rights that they have. However, there are many people who still do not have a nationality, known as statelessness. In 2019, among developed and developing countries that are still experiencing difficulties to end this issue, Kyrgyzstan became the first country in the world that successfully end statelessness through a campaign issued by UNHCR, #IBELONG, in 2014. The author obtains data  through literature study such as journals, books, reports of international organizations, websites, and international news. This research is a qualitative research using the process-tracing method in conducting data analysis. By using institutionalism theory, this research argues that Kyrgyzstan’s success in ending statelessness is driven by the cooperation between the Kyrgyz government and UNHCR through #IBELONG Campaign and its supporting program where the awareness of civil society increases and then moves together in carrying out legal advocacy to stateless people in various regions of Kyrgyzstan which then had a major influence in ending the issue of statelessness.Key Words: Human Rights, Nationality, Statelessness, UNHCR, Campaign
Doktrin Poros Maritim Dunia Era Jokowi dan Keamanan di Bidang Maritim Studi Kasus: Perdagangan Narkotika Jalur Laut Tahun 2014-2018 Nur Hakiki; Tri Cahyo Utomo
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i4.24905

Abstract

Immediately after being elected in 2014, President Joko Widodo put forward the desire to makeIndonesia's sea territory the main policy focus. This is implemented by issuing the doctrine ofthe "Global Maritime Axis". President Jokowi also launched a development agenda focusingon five pillars, one of which concerns maritime security. Narcotics trafficking through the seais one of the various threats to maritime security in Indonesia. This is also exacerbated by thestatus of Indonesia which is called a narcotics emergency. This research aims to analyze theimpact of the "Global Maritime Axis" doctrine on maritime security, as seen from thedevelopment of cases of trafficking in narcotics through the sea that occurred in 2014 to 2018.This research uses the concept of maritime security in understanding the policies of PresidentJokowi's government in dealing with narcotics trafficking by sea. This research analyzes theimpact of the global maritime axis doctrine on government policies, both internal andinternational cooperation. The results of this research indicate that the policies issued by thegovernment have a positive influence, but are still not optimal in dealing with the problem oftrafficking in narcotics through the sea that occurred in the period of 2014 to 2018. This isbecause there are limitations in terms of facilities and infrastructure, the lack of coordinationbetween the parties involved, and the cooperation that is carried out mostly is still at an earlystage and has not shown significant results.
9. Dilema Hak Asasi Manusia Di Asia Tenggara: Ketiadaan Peran Asean dalam Kasus Perekrutan Tentara Anak di Myanmar dalam Perspektif English School Alvian Rizky H; Ika Riswanti Putranti; Mohamad Rosyidin
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v3i1.14589

Abstract

ASEAN as a regional organization of Southeast Asia is considered absent and did notcontribute in the case of child soldiers’ recruitment in Myanmar. ASEAN, which hashuman rights commission such as the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on HumanRights (AICHR) and the ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of theRights of Women and Children (ACWC), has failed in promoting the protection of humanrights and child rights in the case of child soldiers in Myanmar. The absence of ASEAN iscontradictory to the actions taken by UN, Human Rights Watch (HRW), Child SoldierInternational (CSI) and neighboring countries in preventing and stopping the recruitmentof child soldiers in Myanmar. This research is aimed to analyze the reason behind suchsituation. Based on the view of pluralist international society, the absence of ASEAN inchild soldiers’ case in Myanmar is caused by two main reasons. First, non-interferenceprinciple which is upheld by ASEAN to respect the sovereignty of Myanmar. Second,inability to reach consensus within ASEAN, while consensus itself is decision makingprinciple in ASEAN aimed to avoid any action which may compromise the sovereignty ofother member states. On the other hand, the opposite responses given by UN, NGOs andneighboring country of Myanmar can be viewed by solidarist international society, whichargued that such actions are forms of protection of the values of individual freedom andhuman rights.

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