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INDONESIA
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik
Published by Universitas Riau
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Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
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Articles 9,440 Documents
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PENYEBAB PERILAKU TIDAK MEMILIH MASYARAKAT DALAM PEMILIHAN WALIKOTA PEKANBARU TAHUN 2024 Puja Belina; Wazni .
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Abstract

This study aims to analyze the causes of non-voting behavior in the 2024 Pekanbaru Mayoral Election. This study employed a qualitative approach, with informants selected using purposive sampling. Data were collected through interviews, documentation, and literature review. The data were analyzed using Efriza’s 2012 framework of non-voting behavior, which consists of psychological factors, political system factors, political trust factors, and socioeconomic background factors. The findings show that non-voting behavior is not caused by a single factor, but rather by different considerations and circumstances experienced by each informant. Psychological factors were reflected in differences in informants’ political interest, attitudes, motivation, and evaluations of politics and the election. Political system factors were more evident as contextual conditions, as election organizers had conducted voter outreach, voter education, and participatory supervision, although their reach remained limited. Political trust factors were the most apparent among some informants, particularly in relation to doubts about political promises and evaluations of the available candidates. Meanwhile, socioeconomic background factors were associated with employment, daily activities, and population mobility, but were not found to be a common cause among all informants. This study concludes that non-voting behavior in the 2024 Pekanbaru Mayoral Election is diverse in nature and cannot be directly equated with political apathy Keywords: Non-Voting Behavior, Pekanbaru Mayoral Election, Voting Behavior, Political Trust
DIPLOMASI SWEDIA SEBAGAI ADVOKASI DALAM AGENDA WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY DI DEWAN KEAMANAN PBB (2014–2022) Hafrianggi Aulia; Mohammad Saeri
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Abstract

Sweden's commitment to gender equality in its foreign policy was strengthened through the declaration of the Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) in 2014. This commitment became the basis for Sweden's advocacy of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), particularly during its tenure as a non-permanent member in 2017–2018. As a middle power, Sweden utilized multilateral diplomacy to promote the mainstreaming of gender perspectives in the international peace and security agenda. This research employs a qualitative approach with a descriptive method through document analysis of UNSC resolutions, UN Secretary-General reports, Swedish official statements, and related foreign policy documents, applying the Multi-Track Diplomacy framework to map Sweden's strategies through formal (Track I) and non-formal (Track II) channels. The findings show that Sweden's advocacy included participation in the formulation and voting of WPS resolutions, use of the UNSC presidency, gender-sensitive statements, Arria Formula Meetings, partnerships with civil society organizations, coalition-building with like-minded states, and financial support through Sida and the Folke Bernadotte Academy. These strategies contributed to increased integration of gender perspectives in UNSC resolutions, growth in the adoption of National Action Plans on WPS, and strengthening of WPS institutions, although Sweden's advocacy continued to face P5 geopolitical dynamics, contradictions in arms-export policy, and neo-colonial feminism critiques. Sweden's diplomacy confirms that a middle power can influence the development of international norms through legitimacy, coalition-building, and adaptive diplomatic strategy. Keywords: Swedish Diplomacy, Feminist Foreign Policy, Women Peace and Security, United Nations Security Council, Norm Entrepreneur, Middle Power.
STRATEGI PEMBENTUKAN KOALISI PARTAI PENGUSUNG PASANGAN ANTON-POTI PADA PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH (PILKADA) KABUPATEN ROKAN HULU TAHUN 2024 Natasya Sabillah Balqis; Tito Handoko
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Abstract

This article examines the strategy used to form the political party coalition supporting Anton-Poti in the 2024 Rokan Hulu Regency local election. The study focuses on how political parties selected coalition partners, aggregated political resources, managed internal conflict, reduced political bargaining costs, and consolidated electoral strength. A descriptive qualitative case-study approach was employed. The analysis draws on research documents, interview materials contained in the thesis, official electoral documents, news reports, and scholarly literature on political coalitions and local elections. William H. Riker’s Minimum Winning Coalition perspective is used through five analytical indicators: coalition efficiency, rationality in selecting supporting parties, avoidance of internal conflict, reduction of political compromise burdens, and combined electoral strength. The findings indicate that the Anton-Poti ticket was supported by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), Gerindra, Hanura, the Crescent Star Party (PBB), and Partai Ummat under the coalition name “Bersama Membangun Negeri”. The coalition cannot be regarded as a mathematically minimal winning coalition because its five-party configuration was broader than the narrowest possible winning combination. Nevertheless, functionally, it reflected efficiency by combining parties with different and complementary political resources. Party selection was associated with candidate appeal, organizational networks, legislative strength, political experience, and perceived electoral opportunities. Elite bargaining, role division, and political communication were important mechanisms for reducing internal conflict and compromise costs. The final electoral result gave Anton-Poti 102,846 valid votes, equivalent to 38.55%, and they were subsequently established as the elected pair. The study therefore argues that coalition formation in Indonesian local elections should be interpreted contextually: the “minimum” principle may operate as functional efficiency rather than simply minimizing the number of coalition members. Keywords: political coalition, Minimum Winning Coalition, local election, Rokan Hulu, political parties, Anton-Poti
PENGAWASAN PARTISIPATIF PADA PEMILIHAN UMUM DI KABUPATEN LIMA PULUH KOTA TAHUN 2024 Zahara Putri Warman; Hazqon Fuadi Nasution
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Abstract

This study examines participatory election monitoring by communities in the 2024 General Election in Lima Puluh Kota Regency. The study was motivated by the limited number of formal community reports despite the large number of voters and the existence of participatory monitoring programs implemented by Bawaslu. The research aims to analyze the level of community participation, the effectiveness of participatory monitoring, and the factors hindering its implementation. A descriptive qualitative approach was used. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with 14 informants selected purposively from Bawaslu, KPU, Sentra Gakkumdu, election observers or activists, community leaders, and voters, supported by documentation and analyzed through data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing, with source and technique triangulation. The findings show that community participation remained limited: 290,865 voters were distributed across 637 polling stations, while only around three to four formal reports were received. Although the number of reports in 2024 was lower than in 2019, some 2024 reports had sufficient quality to be forwarded to law-enforcement proceedings. The main obstacles were institutional paradoxes, limited independent monitoring capacity, insufficient protection for reporters, complex reporting procedures, and low electoral literacy associated with the normalization of vote buying. The study concludes that participatory monitoring in Lima Puluh Kota remains between awareness of violations and the courage to act through independent reporting. The findings imply that strengthening community capacity, reporter protection, electoral literacy, and accessible reporting mechanisms is important for improving participatory monitoring. Keywords: Participatory Monitoring; General Election; Bawaslu; Community Participation.
STRATEGI REBRANDING WAROENG MEMOELAI MELALUI MEDIA SOSIAL INSTAGRAM Tri Harda Putra; Ringgo Eldapi Yozani
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Abstract

Waroeng Memoelai is a culinary business that previously had a strong image as a conventional traditional kopitiam associated with older consumers. Changes in the culinary industry, consumer behavior, and the growing influence of social media encouraged Waroeng Memoelai to undertake a rebranding strategy to reach a wider, particularly younger, market. This study aims to analyze the rebranding strategy implemented by Waroeng Memoelai through social media Instagram. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach. Informants were selected using purposive sampling and consisted of Waroeng Memoelai management, the creative agency Our Media, staff, and active consumers or audiences. Data were collected through in-depth interviews, non-participant observation of Instagram content, and documentation. Data analysis employed the interactive model of Miles, Huberman, and Saldana, consisting of data condensation, data display, and conclusion drawing/verification, with source triangulation to ensure data validity. The findings show that the rebranding strategy was implemented through a combination of physical identity transformation and digital communication transformation, which also contributed to the formation of a new brand image. The repositioning process shifted the brand from a traditional kopitiam image toward a modern kopitiam concept while maintaining classical elements. Redesigning was implemented through consistent Instagram feed aesthetics, retro-modern color palettes, creative photo and video content, communicative captions, and the visual representation of young baristas with contemporary youth styles. Relaunching was conducted through interactive digital communication using Instagram features such as Reels, Stories, and feed content. The strategy succeeded in constructing a new brand image as a modern, aesthetic, trendy, and youth-oriented social space. Keywords: Rebranding; Brand Image; Social Media; Instagram; Modern Kopitiam
KOMUNIKASI PERSUASIF POKDARWIS DALAM MENINGKATKAN PARTISIPASI MASYARAKAT PADA PENGELOLAAN DESA WISATA DAYUN KABUPATEN SIAK Miskia Afdita Januarahmi; Ringgo Eldapi Yozani
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Abstract

Dayun Tourism Village in Siak Regency has natural, cultural, and historical tourism potential, but community participation in its management is uneven. Involvement is more visible in technical activities, while participation in planning, decision-making, and evaluation remains limited. This study analyzes the persuasive communication of the Tourism Awareness Group (Pokdarwis) in increasing community participation. A descriptive qualitative approach with an interpretive paradigm was used. Data were collected through non-participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and documentation involving nine informants, analyzed with the Miles and Huberman interactive model, and checked through source and technique triangulation. The Elaboration Likelihood Model (ELM) was used to interpret message processing through central and peripheral routes. The findings show that Pokdarwis builds credibility through experience, competence, certification, and institutional ties with the village government, and attractiveness through social proximity. Messages are delivered in everyday language and reinforced by tangible evidence such as facilities, social media, and tourism activities. Community responses differ according to experience, motivation, occupation, perceived benefits, and self-confidence. Participation is stronger in technical implementation than in planning and evaluation. Persuasive communication contributes to community involvement, but broader and more sustained participation requires adaptive communication and clearer opportunities for involvement. Keywords: persuasive communication, Pokdarwis, community participation, tourism village, Elaboration Likelihood Model.
IMPLEMENTASI APLIKASI SISTEM MANAJEMEN KEPEGAWAIAN (SIMPEG) DI PEMERINTAH KOTA PEKANBARU TAHUN 2024 Aini Iska Safitri; Rica Purnawandi Pane
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13: Edisi I Januari - Juni 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Abstract

This research is motivated by the demands of digital transformation in government administration and the importance of an effective, efficient, transparent, and accountable personnel information system. The Pekanbaru City Government implemented the Personnel Management Information System Application (SIMPEG) as a form of e-government implementation in personnel administration. However, its implementation still faces challenges, including limited technological infrastructure, lack of coordination among agencies, and low human resource competence in the field of information technology. This study aims to describe the implementation of SIMPEG in the Pekanbaru City Government in 2024. The method used is a qualitative approach with a case study type. Data were collected through interviews, observations, documentation, and literature studies, and then analyzed using data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion-drawing techniques. The research analysis refers to the e-government implementation theory, which includes the aspects of support, capacity, and value. The results show that the implementation of SIMPEG has been carried out but is not yet optimal. In the support aspect, there is regulatory and policy support, although inter-agency coordination is still not maximized. In the capacity aspect, limitations in budget, technological infrastructure, and human resource competence are still found. Meanwhile, in the value aspect, SIMPEG has provided benefits in improving administrative efficiency, data transparency, and personnel services. Therefore, enhanced cross-agency coordination, strengthened technological infrastructure, and continuous human resource training are needed so that the implementation of SIMPEG can operate more effectively and sustainably. Keywords: SIMPEG, E-Government, Implementation, Civil Servants, Pekanbaru City.
KONSEKUENSI KONFLIK RUSIA-UKRAINA TERHADAP SPHERE OF INFLUENCE RUSIA Sotaronggal Hanz Stevanus Nainggolan; Arif Wicaksa
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Abstract

The Russia-Ukraine conflict, which escalated to its peak in 2022, marks a fundamental turning point in the regional security order of Eurasia. Although Russia has long maintained instruments of hegemony through the “Near Abroad” doctrine and various regional organizations, its effort to preserve this influence has instead triggered a complex security dilemma within the contemporary geopolitical context. The limits of diplomatic engagement in the face of NATO enlargement, the intensifying securitization of existential threats by the Kremlin, and the shift toward coercive militaristic strategies have increased the vulnerability of the security structure across the post-Soviet region. Within this context, the Russian Federation has sought to reassert its Sphere of Influence (SoI) as a zone of vital interest through acts of defensive revisionism intended to correct perceived regional security imbalances. This study analyzes the consequences of the Russia-Ukraine conflict for the dynamics of Russia’s Sphere of Influence during the 2022–2025 period. The research employs a qualitative method with descriptive analysis, drawing on library research and a supporting interview. It applies Neorealism and Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) to explain the transformation of the regional security structure from an order centered on a single power (Centered RSC) toward regional fragmentation. The findings show that Russia’s military actions triggered a security dilemma that accelerated decentralization within the Post-Soviet RSC, marked by a credibility crisis in Russian-led institutions such as the CSTO and the EAEU, and by the growing agency of neighboring states through hedging strategies with external actors such as China and Turkey. The study concludes that Russia’s effort to preserve its influence has instead produced regional fragmentation and entrenched an overlapping security complex that weakens Russia’s regional cohesion.
PARTISIPASI PEREMPUAN DALAM IMPLEMENTASI PROGRAM SIAK HIJAU TERHADAP PENCAPAIAN SDGs 13 (CLIMATE ACTION) DI KABUPATEN SIAK Adinda Mulya; Yusnarida Eka Nizmi
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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This research analyzes how women's participation in the implementation of the Siak Hijau Program toward achieving Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 13 (Climate Action) in Siak Regency. The Siak Hijau Program is a sustainable development policy aimed at promoting environmental conservation through community participation. This research employs a qualitative method with a descriptive approach. Data were collected through interviews, observations, and documentation. The study applies the theory of Environmental Governance with a Feminist perspective to analyze women's involvement in the program. The results show that women participate in the planning, implementation, benefit-sharing, and evaluation stages of the program. Their participation is reflected in waste management activities, tree planting, home gardening, environmental awareness campaigns, and community mutual cooperation activities, most of which are facilitated by the Family Welfare Empowerment Organization (PKK). Women's participation contributes to the achievement of SDG 13 by increasing environmental awareness and supporting climate change mitigation and adaptation efforts. However, the sustainability of the Siak Hijau Program faces challenges due to the 2025 budget efficiency policy, which has caused various environmental activities in Rempak Village to become inactive. Keywords: Women's Participation, SDGs 13, Siak Hijau, PKK.
STRATEGI UNI EROPA DALAM MENINGKATKAN KEAMANAN MARITIM DI TELUK GUINEA MELALUI COORDINATED MARITIME PRESENCES (CMP) Intan Tiara Nabila; Irwan Iskandar
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13: Edisi I Januari - Juni 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Abstract

The Gulf of Guinea is a strategic maritime region in West Africa rich in oil and gas resources. In 2019–2020, attacks and kidnappings surged by 40%, making this region responsible for 95% of maritime kidnapping cases worldwide. In response, the European Union launched the Coordinated Maritime Presences (CMP) concept to enhance maritime security in the area. This study aims to analyze the implementation of CMP using maritime security theory and the group-of-states level of analysis, employing a qualitative approach through literature review. The findings reveal that the European Union implemented CMP in the Gulf of Guinea to strengthen regional maritime security, safeguard energy supplies, and secure shipping lanes for member states' vessels engaged in economic activities in these waters. Through CMP, the European Union has contributed to reducing piracy and kidnapping incidents in the Gulf of Guinea by up to 50%. Keywords: Maritime Security, European Union, CMP

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