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All Journal JURNAL MAGISTER HUKUM UDAYANA Interaksi : Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi Veritas et Justitia Jurnal Arsitektur ZONASI Jurnal Muara Ilmu Sosial, Humaniora, dan Seni Progressive Law Review JATI (Jurnal Mahasiswa Teknik Informatika) The Indonesian Journal of International Clinical Legal Education Hang Tuah Law Journal Journal of Constitutional Law Society (JCLS)
Ramadhan, Febriansyah
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Legalisasi Supremasi Eksekutif? Studi Sosio-Legal terhadap Reformasi Kementerian di Indonesia Risky, Saiful; Ramadhan, Febriansyah; Esfandiari, Fitria
Jurnal Magister Hukum Udayana (Udayana Master Law Journal) Vol 14 No 2 (2025)
Publisher : University of Udayana

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24843/JMHU.2025.v14.i02.p03

Abstract

This article will explore how the amendment to Law No. 39/2008 on State Ministries that removed the maximum limit on the number of ministries, has significant constitutional and political implications for Indonesia’s presidential system. This study employs a socio-legal or interdisciplinary approach by analyzing the normative aspects of legislation alongside the political dynamics behind the policy revision. The findings indicate that the removal of ministerial limits is primarily driven by political accommodation rather than administrative efficiency. This increasingly expansive governance model risks creating a bloated bureaucracy that lacks effectiveness in executing governmental functions. The findings indicate that without a limit on the number of ministries, the institutional precedent is difficult to reverse due to mechanisms of path dependency, which reinforce resistance to bureaucratic reform. To address the risk of constitutional regression and the weakening of the principle of checks and balances, this article recommends policy reconstruction by revising the Law on State Ministries to explicitly set a maximum of 34 ministries, as well as a limited amendment to Article 17 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia so that the restriction is constitutionally enshrined. In this way, the reform is expected to uphold constitutional supremacy, improve bureaucratic efficiency, and maintain institutional stability within the framework of good governance. Artikel ini akan mengeksplorasi perubahan Undang-Undang Nomor 39 Tahun 2008 tentang Kementerian Negara yang menghapus batas maksimal jumlah kementerian menimbulkan implikasi konstitusional dan politik yang signifikan dalam sistem pemerintahan presidensial Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan socio-legal atau interdisipliner antara ilmu hukum dan ilmu politik, dengan menganalisis aspek normatif dalam peraturan perundang-undangan serta dinamika politik di balik revisi kebijakan tersebut. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penghapusan batas jumlah kementerian lebih didasarkan pada akomodasi kepentingan politik daripada pertimbangan efisiensi administrasi. Model tata kelola pemerintahan yang semakin ekspansif ini berisiko menciptakan birokrasi yang gemuk dan kurang efektif dalam menjalankan fungsi pemerintahan. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa tanpa pembatasan jumlah kementerian, 'preseden institusional' sulit dibalik akibat mekanisme 'path dependency', yang memperkuat resistensi terhadap reformasi birokrasi. Untuk mengatasi risiko 'constitutional regression' dan melemahnya prinsip 'checks and balances', artikel ini merekomendasikan rekonstruksi kebijakan melalui revisi UU Kementerian Negara yang menetapkan batas maksimal 34 kementerian secara eksplisit, serta amendemen terbatas Pasal 17 UUD NRI 1945 agar pembatasan bersifat konstitusional. Dengan demikian, reformasi ini diharapkan menegakkan supremasi konstitusi, meningkatkan efisiensi birokrasi, dan menjaga stabilitas kelembagaan dalam kerangka good governance.
PENATAAN ULANG KEWENANGAN PENYIDIKAN DAN PENUNTUTAN DALAM PENEGAKAN HUKUM PELANGGARAN HAM BERAT Ramadhan, Febriansyah; Nugraha, Xavier; Felany, Patricia Inge
Veritas et Justitia Vol. 6 No. 1 (2020): Veritas et Justitia
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Parahyangan Catholic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25123/vej.v6i1.3514

Abstract

This article discusses the problems encountered in the preliminary court proceeding of gross human right violation cases in Indonesia.  Identified are two state institutions, i.e. the National Human Right Commission and the Attorney General, who possess the authority to initiate investigation and subsequent successful prosecution of gross human right violation cases. Good cooperation and relation between these two agencies is therefore a must.  This article looks into the problems encountered by these two institutions in doing the preliminary process and discusses possible redistribution of these two state agency authorities. To do this a doctrinal approach will be used.
INDONESIA'S FUTURE ACTING PRESIDENCY: MAINTAINING OR REPLACING THE NEW ORDER LEGACY Ramadhan, Febriansyah; Widagdo, Setyo; Widiarto, Aan Eko; Susmayanti, Riana
Veritas et Justitia Vol. 10 No. 1 (2024): Veritas et Justitia
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Parahyangan Catholic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25123/vej.v10i1.7273

Abstract

The interim president anticipates the vacancy of the office of president and vice president; Indonesia calls it ‘pelaksana tugas kepresidenan’, which is filled by the minister of home affairs, foreign affairs, and minister of defense. This article explores the two actors (bureaucrats and legitimacy) who become interim presidents in the constitutions of the world's countries. Next, the Indonesian arrangement and accompanying problems in the 1945 Constitution will be reviewed. This article is aided by a doctrinal research method with historical, legislative, and comparative constitutional approaches. Indonesia has its peculiarities compared to the constitutions of world countries because it applies a compound position as interim President adopted from the New Order legal products (Tap MPR VII/1973) without going through a decontextualisation process, so it still applies the old features (bureaucratic actors) with compound/collegial executive positions in the new constitutional structure that seeks to purify the presidential system. In addition, there are conditions that the 1945 Constitution still cannot resolve and that cause paralysis of governance. This article offers one solution—which could alleviate two specific problems simultaneously—and that is to make the Speaker of the House of Representatives (DPR) the acting President of the future. 
Co-Authors Aan Eko Widiarto Ahmad MAULANA Christy Vidiyanti Dwi Putra, Farhan Felany, Patricia Inge Fitria Esfandiari Gunawan, Anggraeni Sari Hadiati, Mia I Gede Druvananda Abhiseka Marfungah, Luthfi Monica, Yola Moody Rizqy Syailendra Putra Naziifah, Hasna NEVIATY PUTRI ZAMANI Nugraha, Xavier Prasada, Dewa Krisna Riana Susmayanti Risky, Saiful Setyo Widagdo Siswanto, Rodi Utami, Tasyabilla Pandi Wahid, Deny Noer