Articles
<![CDATA[Pola Pemilihan Asimetris dalam Pemilihan Umum sebagai Solusi Transisi Demokrasi di Masa Pandemi ]]>
<![CDATA[Sun Fatayati]]>;
<![CDATA[Ahmad Gelora Mahardika]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Vol. 3 No. 2 (2022): Indonesian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, July, 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Tribakti Lirboyo Kediri ]]>
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DOI: 10.33367/ijhass.v3i2.3100
<![CDATA[The covid-19 pandemic outbreak that has occurred in Indonesia since March 2020 has forced the Government to postpone the simultaneous Regional Head Election which is planned to be held in September 2020. The problem is that the norms governing the implementation of Pilkada in September are written concretely in Law Number 10 of Year In 2016, the implication is that the government only has two options related to simultaneous regional elections in the middle of a pandemic, namely to postpone or continue implementing it with the risk of voters being infected with an outbreak. The government finally decided to postpone through Government Regulation in lieu of Law Number 2 of 2020 which in one article stated that the implementation of the Pilkada was carried out in December 2020. However, these changes were only temporary and had high risks, this was due to concerns. related to the implementation of elections in the midst of an outbreak and there are concerns if the outbreak occurs in the national election. Therefore, the change in the selection method with the asymmetrical selection model is the right alternative solution to be applied in the midst of a pandemic outbreak. The research method in this article is normative juridical. The conclusion in this study is that changes in the method of selection can be made and it is not against the law.]]>
<![CDATA[Rekonstruksi Regulasi Sebagai Optimalisasi Perlindungan dan Penegakan Hak Asasi Manusia dalam Sistem Ketatanegaraan Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Sun Fatayati]]>;
<![CDATA[Ahmad Gelora Mahardika]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Vol. 3 No. 3 (2022): Indonesian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, November, 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Tribakti Lirboyo Kediri ]]>
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DOI: 10.33367/ijhass.v3i3.3472
<![CDATA[Indonesia is a country based on law and has diverse citizens, so there are majorities and minorities; this makes Indonesia have many problems regarding human rights. a large number of cases of human rights violations that have occurred in Indonesia are due to a lack of understanding of human rights about the essential values that everyone owns so that people easily violate the rights of others, as well as protection and law enforcement that is not optimal in handling rights cases human rights. it is not only the minorities who must get protection, but the majority also really need to voice their rights as citizens of Indonesia. So that the lack of law enforcement and protection of human rights becomes a problem in solving problems related to human rights. Law enforcement related to human rights should be able to resolve human rights problems that occur in Indonesia. This paper was written by discussing how to optimize law enforcement in resolving cases related to human rights. so that problems related to human rights in Indonesia get solutions and optimal protection.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengesahan Susunan Kepengurusan Partai Politik di Daerah sebagai Upaya Pemenuhan Kepastian Hukum Partai Politik ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahardika, Ahmad Gelora]]>
<![CDATA[ Verfassung: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara Vol 2 No 1 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hukum Tata Negara (HTN), Fakultas Syariah, Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Kediri, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.30762/vjhtn.v2i1.222
<![CDATA[Pengesahan kepengurusan partai politik di tingkat daerah disahkan berdasarkan surat keputusan partai politik di tingkat pusat. Kondisi ini seringkali menimbulkan ketidakpastian hukum. Padahal, implikasi konflik internal partai politik di daerah memiliki sejumlah konsekuensi, antara lain, ancaman partai politik tidak ikut pemilihan umum kepala daerah dan recall sepihak. Oleh karena itu, diperlukan legalitas sebagai upaya memberikan kepastian hukum ketika terjadi konflik internal. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif. Kesimpulannya, pengesahan kepengurusan partai politik di daerah seharusnya menjadi kewenangan Kementerian Hukum dan Hak Asasi Manusia Republik Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[POLITIK HUKUM HIERARKI TAP MPR MELALUI AMANDEMEN UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR 1945 ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahardika, Ahmad Gelora]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Legislasi Indonesia Vol 16, No 3 (2019): Jurnal Legislasi Indonesia - September 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Direktorat Jenderal Peraturan Perundang-undang, Kementerian Hukum dan Hak Asasi Manusia ]]>
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DOI: 10.54629/jli.v16i3.512
<![CDATA[ TAP MPR sebagai sebuah peraturan perundang-undangan dalam sistem hierarki hukum di Indonesia mempunyai status hukum yang tidak jelas. Hal itu disebabkan amandemen konstitusi secara tidak langsung mencabut kewenangan MPR untuk membuat TAP MPR. Padahal ketika amandemen itu dilakukan masih terdapat 8 (delapan) TAP MPR yang masih berlaku. Kondisi ini menyebabkan absurditas terkait status TAP MPR yang masih berlaku tersebut. Undang-Undang Nomor 10 Tahun 2004 tentang Pembentukan Peraturan Perundang-undangan sempat mengeluarkan TAP MPR dalam hierarki norma, namun Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 kemudian memasukkan kembali TAP MPR dalam hierarki peraturan perundang-undangan di Indonesia. Pencantuman kembali TAP MPR dalam hierarki mempunyai kesan hanya untuk memberikan kepastian hukum semata tanpa penjelasan bagaimana penerapannya serta mekanisme pencabutannya. Selain itu di antara semua peraturan perundang-undangan yang tercantum dalam hieraki peraturan perundang-undangan semuanya mempunyai posisi yang jelas siapa yang membuatnya serta lembaga apa yang berwenang mengujinya. Akan tetapi TAP MPR terlihat terjebak dalam celah abu-abu (grey area) karena dalam konstitusi tidak ada pintu untuk menguji TAP MPR apakah Mahkamah Konstitusi ataukah Mahkamah Agung. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah yuridis normatif. Kesimpulan dalam artikel ini redesain konstitusi mutlak diperlukan sebagai upaya untuk menjamin kepastian hukum norma TAP MPR dalam sistem hukum Indonesia.Kata Kunci : Hukum, MPR, Peraturan, Perundang-undangan]]>
<![CDATA[Renewal of Criminal Provisions in the Employment Cluster Job Creation Law ]]>
<![CDATA[Ratih Damayanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Masyhar, Ali]]>;
<![CDATA[Rodiyah, Rodiyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Azil Maskur]]>;
<![CDATA[Ahmad Gelora Mahardika]]>;
<![CDATA[Putri Balqis Nuril Hakim]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian State Law Review Vol. 8 No. 1 (2025): Indonesian State Law Review, April 2025 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/islrev.v8i1.19288
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze the reform of criminal provisions in the Job Creation Law concerning labor. The amendments, which eliminate and modify criminal provisions, raise concerns about the potential erosion of legal enforcement regarding labor rights violations. This research employs a normative legal approach, focusing on conceptual frameworks and legislative regulations. Data were collected through literature review from primary legal sources, including relevant labor laws, and secondary sources such as legal books and journals. The findings indicate that while the reform of criminal provisions has positive impacts, it also presents negative consequences due to the regulation of these provisions outside the labor law framework. This duality underscores the need for careful consideration in balancing legal protections for workers with the objectives of efficient law enforcement in the evolving labor landscape.]]>
<![CDATA[Violation of The Principle of Equality Before the Law in The Case of Ilaria Salis ]]>
<![CDATA[Gelora, Mahardika Ahmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Uti Possidetis: Journal of International Law Vol 6 No 2 (2025): Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Law, Universitas Jambi ]]>
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DOI: 10.22437/up.v6i2.41319
<![CDATA[Background: The principles of equality before the law and legal certainty are fundamental tenets of a rule-of-law state. Although the European Union (EU) operates under a sui generis legal framework, it is still expected to uphold these core legal principles. The case of Ilaria Salis, an Italian activist granted immunity despite her involvement in a criminal proceeding, raises concerns about the status of EU law within the international legal order. Methodology: Through a normative juridical analysis, this study examines the legal implications of granting immunity in the context of EU law. Objectives: To assess whether the immunity granted in the Ilaria Salis case is consistent with the fundamental legal principles of equality before the law and legal certainty, as recognized by EU legal instruments and jurisprudence. Findings: The study finds that the granting of immunity in this case led to a violation of both principles under EU legal standards, highlighting potential inconsistencies in the application of EU law. Originality/Novelty: This research addresses a contemporary legal dilemma by critically evaluating how the application of immunity in a high-profile case may undermine the foundational legal principles of the EU, thus questioning the coherence of EU law within the international legal framework.]]>
<![CDATA[DISKUALIFIKASI CALON KEPALA DAERAH TERPILIH SERTA PENYELESAIANNYA DALAM SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahardika, Ahmad Gelora]]>
<![CDATA[ Bahasa Indonesia Vol 3 No 1 (2022): Electoral Governance: Jurnal Tata Kelola Pemilu Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komisi Pemilihan Umum ]]>
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DOI: 10.46874/tkp.v3i1.346
<![CDATA[Artikel ini mengkaji fenomena dianulirnya kemenangan sejumlah pasangan calon pada pemilihan kepala daerah serentak tahun 2020 antara lain pasangan calon terpilih pada pemilihan kepala daerah Kota Bandar Lampung dan Kabupaten Sabu Raijua. Hal ini menjadi persoalan karena diskualifikasi yang dilakukan oleh Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum (Bawaslu) dan Mahkamah Konstitusi dilakukan ketika kedua pasangan calon tersebut telah memenangkan kontestasi pemilihan dengan suara yang signifikan. Putusan Bawaslu dan Mahkamah Konstitusi selayaknya berfungsi untuk memastikan bahwa suara rakyat betulbetul termanifestasikan dalam proses pemilihan. Oleh karena itulah opsi diskualifikasi pasangan calon selayaknya menjadi opsi terakhir. Penelitian ini akan mengkaji fungsi dan kewenangan Bawaslu dan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam melakukan diskualifikasi terhadap pasangan calon dalam sistem hukum pemilihan. Selain itu, penelitian ini juga akan melakukan studi.komparasi.dengan.negara.lain terhadap kasus yang serupa meskipun berbeda konteksnya. Hal tersebut vital untuk dikaji, dikarenakan pada hakikatnya suara rakyat tidak boleh dinihilkan oleh putusan lembaga manapun. Metode penelitian dalam artikel ini adalah yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan sejumlah peraturan perundang-undangan dan literatur terkait sebagai media analisis. Data yang digunakan adalah sejumlah regulasi yang terkait dengan pemilihan kepala daerah yang diperoleh melalui sumber-sumber resmi Pemerintah. Hasil dan kesimpulan yang peneliti peroleh adalah diskualifikasi calon kepala daerah terpilih berpotensi menihilkan demokrasi dan menciptakan ketidakpastian hukum, oleh karena itu diperlukan desain ideal dalam sistem hukum Indonesia manakala kejadian tersebut terulang kembali kedepannya.]]>
<![CDATA[Reposisi Pancasila dari Norm Menjadi Values sebagai Integrasi Pancasila dan Islam ]]>
<![CDATA[Fatayati, Sun]]>;
<![CDATA[Mahardika, Ahmad Gelora]]>
<![CDATA[ Tribakti: Jurnal Pemikiran Keislaman Vol. 32 No. 1 (2021): Tribakti: Jurnal Pemikiran Keislaman ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Tribakti (UIT) Lirboyo Kediri ]]>
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DOI: 10.33367/tribakti.v32i1.1404
<![CDATA[Pancasila and Islam are two ideologies that are often seen as different. This can be seen from the history of the Indonesian state administration where it is recorded that Pancasila was used as a tool for the Government to dissolve organizations and parties with Islamic nuances, namely Masyumi and HTI. The contradiction was caused by the Government placing Pancasila as part of legal norms, not values. Even though the consequence of placing Pancasila as a legal norm should be that there should also be an agency authorized to conduct trials. However, unlike other legal norms, there is no single institution that has the authority to test Pancasila. In addition, according to experts, Pancasila is a building of values which is the way of life of the Indonesian people. The research method in this article is normative juridical. The result states that Pancasila should be positioned as a value, not as a legal norm.]]>
<![CDATA[Reposisi Pancasila dari Norm Menjadi Values sebagai Integrasi Pancasila dan Islam ]]>
<![CDATA[Fatayati, Sun]]>;
<![CDATA[Mahardika, Ahmad Gelora]]>
<![CDATA[ Tribakti: Jurnal Pemikiran Keislaman Vol. 32 No. 1 (2021): Tribakti: Jurnal Pemikiran Keislaman ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Tribakti (UIT) Lirboyo Kediri ]]>
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DOI: 10.33367/tribakti.v32i1.1404
<![CDATA[Pancasila and Islam are two ideologies that are often seen as different. This can be seen from the history of the Indonesian state administration where it is recorded that Pancasila was used as a tool for the Government to dissolve organizations and parties with Islamic nuances, namely Masyumi and HTI. The contradiction was caused by the Government placing Pancasila as part of legal norms, not values. Even though the consequence of placing Pancasila as a legal norm should be that there should also be an agency authorized to conduct trials. However, unlike other legal norms, there is no single institution that has the authority to test Pancasila. In addition, according to experts, Pancasila is a building of values which is the way of life of the Indonesian people. The research method in this article is normative juridical. The result states that Pancasila should be positioned as a value, not as a legal norm.]]>
<![CDATA[Koalisi Kompromistis Berbasis Kepentingan dalam Integrasi Sistem Pemerintahan Presidensial dan Multi Partai ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahardika, Ahmad Gelora]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Review Politik Vol. 9 No. 1 (2019): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Filsafat UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jrp.2019.9.1.%p
<![CDATA[Since the reform era, Indonesia has implemented a presidential government system combined with a multi-party system. The consequence of this system is that political parties are forced to make coalitions with other political parties. Whereas the coalition is usually applied in a country that adheres to a parliamentary system of government, this is because in a parliamentary system, the parliament has the power to dismiss the President or Prime Minister from his position as head of government. Meanwhile in a country with a presidential system, the coalition actually held the President hostage to political interests and was forced to compromise with the supporting political parties. Issues that later arose, the coalition built through the integration of these two systems was not based on similar ideology or vision and mission, but was based on pragmatic political interests. Therefore this article tries to prove this hypothesis by using comparative studies in other countries that apply concepts similar to those in Indonesia, namely Brazil, Bolivia and Chile.]]>
