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KULIAH MENULIS ONLINE: UPAYA MENINGKATKAN KOMPETENSI DOSEN DI TENGAH PANDEMI COVID-19 Hasse Jubba; Mega Hidayati; Zuly Qodir
Jurnal Pengabdian Pada Masyarakat MEMBANGUN NEGERI Vol 4 No 2 (2020): Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat Membangun Negeri
Publisher : Lembaga Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35326/pkm.v4i2.875

Artikel ini mendeskripsikan strategi yang dilakukan oleh para akademisi dalam hubungannya dengan upaya peningkatan produktivitas menulis di masa pandemi Covid-19. Kondisi yang tidak kondusif tidak mengurangi minat mereka untuk terus meningkatkan kemampuan menulisnya. Kondisi pandemi Covid-19 menciptakan kreativitas baru bagi para akademisi untuk terus belajar dengan aktif mengikuti webinar. Salah satu lembaga yang menyediakan ruang belajar secara online adalah Kertagama Global Akademia (KGA) Yogyakarta. Secara kontinyu, KGA mengisi ruang virtual dua kali seminggu dengan menyajikan materi dasar mengenai cara menulis artikel ilmiah, baik teori maupun praktik. Artikel ini menegaskan bahwa pandemi Covid-19 tidak menjadi penghalang bagi para akademisi untuk terus meningkatkan kemampuan menulisnya, bahkan dengan kondisi demikian mereka memperoleh banyak kesempatan untuk belajar meskipun dilakukan secara virtual/daring. Menyikapi kebutuhan para akademisi yang semakin tinggi untuk tetap produktif menulis di tengah kondisi yang kurang mendukung, perlu disediakan ruang-ruang diskusi berkelanjutan untuk menjamin produktivitas menulis para akademisi yang tidak saja berorientasi pada proses, tetapi juga pada output program.

ORGANISASI KEAGAMAAN DAN PENANGANAN KEKERASAN DALAM RUMAH TANGGA (KDRT): Studi tentang Peran Biro Nuurus Sakiinah dalam KDRT di Yogyakarta Rahmania Nader Wambes; Mega Hidayati; Aris Fauzan
Aqlam: Journal of Islam and Plurality Vol 5, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : IAIN Manado

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30984/ajip.v5i2.1374

Abstract: Domestic violence (Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga) is understood as violence related to gender. This concept refers to the subordinative position because the relationship between men and women reflects powerless and powerful or the inequality of power between the two. This paper aims to understand how the Nuurus Sakiinah Bureau owned by 'Aisyiyah and Nasyi'atul' Aisyiyah Yogyakarta Special Region handles domestic violence cases in Yogyakarta and analyze the weaknesses and strengths of handling these cases. This type of research is qualitative with interview data collection methods and secondary data documentation. The findings of this study explain that there are four types of domestic violence cases that have been handled by the Nuurus Sakiinnah Family Consultation Bureau, namely psychological violence, economic neglect; physical and verbal abuse. Therefore, the handling given varies according to the case that occurs. For cases of Psychic violence, the Bureau tends to provide counseling and self-reinforcement. For cases of economic neglect, the Bureau deals with economic independence counseling and training. For cases of Physical and Verbal violence, counseling and self-strengthening are usually given to face the next life and therapy if needed. Meanwhile, the absence of open houses, difficulties in mediation, and the absence of complete counseling data to support administration are the weaknesses of this bureau. However, this Bureau makes victims who have successfully passed the treatment process as volunteers to deal with other victims and also provides spiritual counseling, legal assistance and follow-up therapy when the victim is still in need.Keywords: Domestic Violence, ‘Aisyiyah Nasyi’atul, ‘Aisyiyah, Nuurus Saqinnah Bureau. Abstrak: Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga (KDRT) dipahami sebagai kekerasan yang berhubungan gender. Konsep ini mengacu pada posisi subordinatif karena relasi antara laki-laki dan perempuan mencerminkan powerless dan powerful atau ketimpangan kekuasaan antara keduanya. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memahami bagaimana Biro Nuurus Sakiinah milik ‘Aisyiyah dan Nasyi’atul ‘Aisyiyah Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta menangani kasus KDRT di Yogyakarta serta menganalisa kelemahan dan kelebihan dari penanganan kasus tersebut. Jenis penelitian ini adalah kualitatif dengan metode pengambilan data wawancara dan data sekunder dokumentasi. Temuan penelitian ini menjelaskan bahwa terdapat empat jenis kasus KDRT yang telah ditangani oleh Biro Konsultasi Keluarga Nuurus Sakiinnah, yaitu kekerasan Psikis, penelantaran ekonomi; kekerasan fisik dan kekerasan verbal. Oleh karena itu, penanganan yang diberikan berbeda-beda sesuai dengan kasus yang terjadi. Untuk kasus kekerasan Psikis, Biro cenderung memberikan konseling dan penguatan diri. Untuk kasus penelantaran ekonomi, Biro menangani dengan konseling dan pelatihan kemandirian ekonomi. Untuk kasus kekerasan Fisik dan Verbal biasanya diberikan konseling dan penguatan diri untuk menghadapi kehidupan selanjutnya serta pemberian terapi jika diperlukan. Sementara itu belum adanya rumah singgah, kesulitan dalam mediasi, serta belum adanya kelengkapan data konseling untuk menunjang administrasi menjadi kelemahan biro ini. Namun, Biro ini menjadikan korban yang telah berhasil melewati proses penanganan sebagai volunteer untuk menangani korban yang lain dan juga pemberian konseling spiritual, pendampingan ke jalur hukum dan terapi lanjutan ketika korban masih membutuhkan.Kata Kunci: KDRT, ‘Aisyiyah, Nasyi’atul ‘Aisyiyah, Biro Nuurus Sakiinah

Contesting Ethnic and Religious Identities in the 2019 Indonesian Elections: Political Polarization in West Kalimantan Zuly Qodir; Hasse Jubba; Mega Hidayati
Studia Islamika Vol 29, No 1 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i1.12940

During Indonesia’s 2019 presidential election, significant religious and ethnic contestations occurred using hatred and stigma in expressing support for favored candidates. This article focuses on the case of West Kalimantan Province which has a divided society and memories of ethnic-based bloody communal violence in the early 2000s. This article notifies that wherein ethnic Dayak, Javanese, and Chinese voters tended to support Joko Widodo (Jokowi)-Ma’ruf Amin, while ethnic Malay, Madurese, and Buginese voters tended to back Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno up in the election. However, such ethnic and religious contestations in West Kalimantan did not generate violent conflicts during the election. Instead, voters continued to interact peacefully and harmoniously among different ethnic and religious groups. This contestation coincided with the emergence of political awareness among the Dayaks, Chinese, and Malays of West Kalimantan, which further contributed to Jokowi’s electoral victory. Nevertheless, this political contestation produced the political identity.

The Formalization of Sharia in Aceh to Discipline the Female Body Zuly Qodir; Hasse Jubba; Mega Hidayati; Dyah Mutiarin
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 60, No 1 (2022)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2022.601.63-90

The formalization of sharia (particularly regional regulations on sharia in Aceh) since 2001 up to 2019 had incorporated economic and political contents between local and national elites. Such condition was a result of local and national elite interests gaining political advantages wherein sharia was utilized as a tool by the elites to dominate civilians. Due to political interests, civilians became marginalized by sharia. The current article demonstrates that local and national political elites had used sharia for their political interests without considering the substantial purpose of sharia itself. Women, in particular, are disadvantaged by the various regulations (qanun) issued by wilayatul khisbah as the guardians of sharia in Aceh. The article also aims to show existing contradictions between the ideal aspirations of wilayatul khisbah and the actual practice of regional regulations pertaining to sharia on the ground, namely the involvement of political elites in advocating sharia, which has not made people become more religious but provoked them to resist in secret instead. Data in the article were acquired through literature study, field observations, and in-depth interviews with a number of informants[Formalisasi syariah Islam di Aceh melalui Peraturan Daerah (Qanun) sejak 2001 telah melibatkan kolaborasi ekonomi dan politik antara elit lokal dan nasional. Situasi tersebut menyebabkan kepentingan elit lokal dan nasional berebut keuntungan politis sebagai alat mendominasi warganya, sehingga menyebabkan kepentingan warga termarjinalisasi. Artikel ini membahas elit lokal dan nasional yang memanfaatkan syariat Islam untuk kepentingannya sendiri tanpa mempertimbangkan tujuan utamanya. Perempuan sering dirugikan oleh sejumlah aturan yang dikeluarkan oleh tim penegak syariat Islam (wilayatul khisbah). Artikel ini juga memperlihatkan kontradiksi antara aspirasi ideal dan praktik di lapangan lembaga wilayatul khisbah yang mana keterlibatan elit politik dalam advokasi syariat Islam tidak mendorong lebih religius tetapi justru mendorong warga melawan diam-diam. Data artikel ini didapatkan dari studi literatur, observasi lapangan dan wawancara mendalam dengan sejumlah informan.]

Revivalism of the Tarekat Naqsyabandiyah in Changing the Local Political Landscape of Rokan Hulu, Indonesia in Post-New Order Mega Hidayati; Tito Handoko
FIKRAH Vol 9, No 2 (2021): December 2021
Publisher : Prodi Aqidah dan Filsafat Islam, Jurusan Ushuluddin, Institut Agama Islam Negeri Kudus

Changes in Indonesia's socio-political require Islamic organizations to adapt to these changes, some of them have managed to survive and exist and died. Revivalism in Islam is a demand from the long history of Islam's journey, which has crossed the geographical and cross-cultural boundaries of Islamic society. The survival and death of the Islamic movement is highly dependent on the ability of Muslims adapts to the socio-political landscape, like the case of the Naqsyabandiyah Tarekat in Rokan Hulu-Riau, the existence of the movement survives because it is able to adapt to the socio-cultural system of the local community. This study shows there is an interaction between Islam and the culture of the community and influences each other. The influence that occurs is sometimes positive and negative. The influence of Islam in the local socio-political landscape can be seen from the widespread use of Islamic symbols, as well as various local government policies that adopt Islamic values.

The #dirumahaja as a People Movement on Twitter Zuly Qodir; Vindhi Putri Pratiwi; Mega Hidayati; Hasse Jubba
Jurnal ILMU KOMUNIKASI Vol. 19 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : FISIP Universitas Atma Jaya Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24002/jik.v19i2, Desember.4009

The central and local governments must continue synergizing to reduce the spread of Covid-19. Policies that the Indonesian government implemented are social distancing and self-quarantine. The #dirumahaja movement emerged on various social media platforms, including Twitter. This paper analyzes the use of Twiter as a platform for #dirumahaja movement, to understands people’s attitude in dealing with Covid-19. The findings show that becomes a public space. Through hashtags on Twitter, the public communicate and support government policies related to social distancing and self-quarantine.

Public Participation in Religious Political Discourse in the 2019 Indonesia Presidential Election Mega Hidayati; Tito Handoko
Dialogia Vol 20, No 2 (2022): DIALOGIA : JURNAL STUDI ISLAM DAN SOSIAL
Publisher : IAIN Ponorogo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21154/dialogia.v20i2.4875

Recently, religious politics seems to be a trend in the public which is considered to have a significant impact on people's political choices on the democracy momentum. This research attempted to examine the relationship between religious political discourse and public participation in national political contestation in order to explain the relationship between public participation in religious political discourse in the 2019 Presidential Election. This research used an exploratory-oriented qualitative research method to analyze research problems from reading sources by applying content analysis. This research found that religious political discourse had dominated the 2019 presidential election as used by two pairs of candidates, Jokowi-Ma'ruf and Prabowo-Sandi in their religious narratives and symbols on the stage of the 2019 presidential election which then also influenced the increase in the number of voters participating in the 2019 presidential election, although it was not a major factor in attracting voters. Both Jokowi and Prabowo had always realized that highlighting the religious aspect followed by the implementation of the right political strategy had increased their chances of winning and increased public participation in the 2019 presidential election.

De-authorization of Religion during Covid-19 Pandemic: How the Government Policies and Religious Leaders Reduced Islamic Religious in Indonesia M. Syamsurrijal; Achmad Nurmandi; Hasse Jubba; Mega Hidayati; Bambang Hariyanto
Religious: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama dan Lintas Budaya Vol 6, No 3 (2022)
Publisher : UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/rjsalb.v6i3.16789

Policies issued by the Government and religious authorities during the Covid-19 pandemic in Indonesia have resulted in the de-authorization of the structure of the pattern of carrying out religious rituals that are already established and sacred in the community. This study aims to explore government policies and religious leaders' authorities in reducing the doctrine of communal religious rituals during the Covid-19 in Indonesia. This study qualitatively investigates various forms of government policies and religious leaders during the Covid-19 pandemic – via the internet related to government policies and the appeals of religious leaders during the Covid-19. Data collection is done by observation, documentation, and literature study. Data analysis used descriptive qualitative analysis through the NVivo-12 plus application. The results of this study indicate that there has been a reduction in religious doctrine in the form of prohibiting the practice of religious rituals carried out communally in mosques and public spaces.

ORGANISASI KEAGAMAAN DAN PENANGANAN KEKERASAN DALAM RUMAH TANGGA (KDRT): Studi tentang Peran Biro Nuurus Sakiinah dalam KDRT di Yogyakarta Rahmania Nader Wambes; Mega Hidayati; Aris Fauzan
Aqlam: Journal of Islam and Plurality Vol 5, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : IAIN Manado

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30984/ajip.v5i2.1374

Abstract: Domestic violence (Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga) is understood as violence related to gender. This concept refers to the subordinative position because the relationship between men and women reflects powerless and powerful or the inequality of power between the two. This paper aims to understand how the Nuurus Sakiinah Bureau owned by 'Aisyiyah and Nasyi'atul' Aisyiyah Yogyakarta Special Region handles domestic violence cases in Yogyakarta and analyze the weaknesses and strengths of handling these cases. This type of research is qualitative with interview data collection methods and secondary data documentation. The findings of this study explain that there are four types of domestic violence cases that have been handled by the Nuurus Sakiinnah Family Consultation Bureau, namely psychological violence, economic neglect; physical and verbal abuse. Therefore, the handling given varies according to the case that occurs. For cases of Psychic violence, the Bureau tends to provide counseling and self-reinforcement. For cases of economic neglect, the Bureau deals with economic independence counseling and training. For cases of Physical and Verbal violence, counseling and self-strengthening are usually given to face the next life and therapy if needed. Meanwhile, the absence of open houses, difficulties in mediation, and the absence of complete counseling data to support administration are the weaknesses of this bureau. However, this Bureau makes victims who have successfully passed the treatment process as volunteers to deal with other victims and also provides spiritual counseling, legal assistance and follow-up therapy when the victim is still in need.Keywords: Domestic Violence, ‘Aisyiyah Nasyi’atul, ‘Aisyiyah, Nuurus Saqinnah Bureau. Abstrak: Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga (KDRT) dipahami sebagai kekerasan yang berhubungan gender. Konsep ini mengacu pada posisi subordinatif karena relasi antara laki-laki dan perempuan mencerminkan powerless dan powerful atau ketimpangan kekuasaan antara keduanya. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memahami bagaimana Biro Nuurus Sakiinah milik ‘Aisyiyah dan Nasyi’atul ‘Aisyiyah Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta menangani kasus KDRT di Yogyakarta serta menganalisa kelemahan dan kelebihan dari penanganan kasus tersebut. Jenis penelitian ini adalah kualitatif dengan metode pengambilan data wawancara dan data sekunder dokumentasi. Temuan penelitian ini menjelaskan bahwa terdapat empat jenis kasus KDRT yang telah ditangani oleh Biro Konsultasi Keluarga Nuurus Sakiinnah, yaitu kekerasan Psikis, penelantaran ekonomi; kekerasan fisik dan kekerasan verbal. Oleh karena itu, penanganan yang diberikan berbeda-beda sesuai dengan kasus yang terjadi. Untuk kasus kekerasan Psikis, Biro cenderung memberikan konseling dan penguatan diri. Untuk kasus penelantaran ekonomi, Biro menangani dengan konseling dan pelatihan kemandirian ekonomi. Untuk kasus kekerasan Fisik dan Verbal biasanya diberikan konseling dan penguatan diri untuk menghadapi kehidupan selanjutnya serta pemberian terapi jika diperlukan. Sementara itu belum adanya rumah singgah, kesulitan dalam mediasi, serta belum adanya kelengkapan data konseling untuk menunjang administrasi menjadi kelemahan biro ini. Namun, Biro ini menjadikan korban yang telah berhasil melewati proses penanganan sebagai volunteer untuk menangani korban yang lain dan juga pemberian konseling spiritual, pendampingan ke jalur hukum dan terapi lanjutan ketika korban masih membutuhkan.Kata Kunci: KDRT, ‘Aisyiyah, Nasyi’atul ‘Aisyiyah, Biro Nuurus Sakiinah

REVISITING INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE IN THE HISTORY OF INDONESIA: The Case of Malino Declaration for Maluku Mega Hidayati
Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 12 No 2 (2017)
Publisher : Sayyid Ali Rahmatullah Tulungagung State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21274/epis.2017.12.2.457-480

Conflict between Muslims and Christians in Moluccas (1999-2002) is one of the worst conflicts in Indonesia which brings great damage in all fields of human life. The significant result of reconciliation can be found in Central Government’s effort called as Malino Declaration II. This paper aims to find a positive contribution on formulating the key for facing the fact of religious plurality in Indonesia by revisiting the Malino Declaration II. By critically analyzing the discourse of the Malino Declaration contents, it concludes that Malino Declaration is shaky for several reason, (1). The role of Government is so dominant, thus Government is in the safe position. Therefore, it isunderstandable why many people view Government aims to “clean” its mistakes in the conflict. (2). Military as a tool was not only ineffective and bias, but also it caused mass killings under the banner of national stability. (3) Malino Declaration indicates obviously and strongly that the conflict is pure between Muslim and Christian communities in Moluccas, as the result the blame is theirs, (4) contain of declaration gives an impression that the participants who are representative of each community do not have enough room in expressing and waging in dialogue. In other words, Malino Declaration is still far from genuine dialogue.Konflik antara Muslim dan Kristiani di Maluku (1999-2002) adalah salah satu konflik terburuk di Indonesia yang menyebabkan kerusakan luar biasa di segala bidang kehidupan manusia. Hasil rekonsiliasi yang signifikan adalah usaha pemerintah pusat terkait perumusan Deklarasi Malino II. Dengan meninjau kembali Deklarasi Malino II, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menemukan kontribusi positif dalam merumuskan kunci dalam menghadapi fakta pluralitas agama di Indonesia. Dengan menganalisis secara kritis isi Deklarasi Malino, dapat disimpulkan bahwa Deklarasi Malino lemah dengan alasan: pertama, peran pemerintah sangat dominan sehingga pemerintah ada di posisi aman. Karenanya, dapat dipahami mengapa banyak orang melihat pemerintah bermaksud “membersihkan” kesalahannya dalam konflik tersebut; kedua, militer sebagai alat tidak efektif dan bias serta menyebabkan pembunuhan massa di bawah bendera kestabilan nasional; ketiga, deklarasi Malino mengindikasikan secara jelas dan tegas bahwa konflik tersebut antara komunitas Muslim dan Kristen di Maluku sehingga kesalahan adalah pada kedua kelompok ini; keempat, isi deklarasi memberikan kesan bahwa para partisipan yang mewakili masing-masing komunitas tidak mendapatkan ruang yang cukup dalam mengekspresikan dan melaksanakan dialog. Dengan kata lain, Deklarasi Malino masih jauh dari makna dialog yang sebenarnya.

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