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Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
ISSN : 25990675     EISSN : 25990683     DOI : -
Core Subject : Social,
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 141 Documents
The Internalization of International Norms on Children's Rights in Makassar: A Pentahelix Model Perspective Nurjannah Abdullah; Muhammad Fajhriyadi Hastira; Muh Fichriyadi Hastira
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 8 No 2 (2025): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33822/mjihi.v8i2.12127

Abstract

This qualitative case study examines the process of internalizing international children's rights norms at the local level in Makassar through PentaHelix collaboration, focusing on the Makassar Children's Forum (FAM) and the Office of Women's Empowerment and Child Protection (DP3A). Data was collected through direct observation at the FAM secretariat and DP3A office, in-depth interviews with 12 FAM board members and staff, as well as DP3A staff, and a review of official documents, regulations, and literature. Thematic analysis revealed three key findings that first, the Norm Emergence stage, where the DP3A plays a role in translating the values of the CRC into training modules and policies; second, the Cascade and Adaptation stage, which explains the cross-sectoral integration of children's rights norms through Perwali No. 2/2017, CSR initiatives, and community campaigns; and third, the Internalization stage, which involves the adoption of participatory practices at the family level and sustained multi-stakeholder engagement. The findings indicate that FAM functions as a "norm translator," facilitating direct child participation and reinforcing policy implementation's local values (siri', gotong royong). The contributions of this research include the integration of the Norm Life Cycle theory (Finnemore & Sikkink) with the PentaHelix model, as well as practical recommendations to strengthen coordination mechanisms, enhance child-friendly CSR capacity in SMEs, and leverage digital media for broader norm diffusion. Further research is recommended to explore the longitudinal impact of digital participation platforms on child agents. Keywords: internalization of international values and norms; children's rights; children's participation; Makassar Children's Forum; Pentahelix.
DIPLOMASI PUBLIK DAN POLITIK GENDER DI GLOBAL SELATAN: MENGGUGAT NETRALITAS REPRESENTASI DI INDONESIA, AFRIKA SELATAN, DAN BRASIL Roy Setiawan; I Kadek Andre Nuaba
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 8 No 2 (2025): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33822/mjihi.v8i2.12427

Abstract

Public diplomacy is often understood as a strategic communication practice that is neutral and universal. However, in the context of Global South countries, this presumed neutrality deserves to be challenged, as it tends to overlook the gendered dimensions embedded in the construction of national image and international legitimacy. This study examines how Indonesia, South Africa, and Brazil represent gender within their public diplomacy strategies, and how these practices reflect or contest global power relations. Employing feminist constructivism and postcolonial feminism as analytical frameworks, the research analyzes policy documents, digital campaigns, and official media narratives. The novelty of this study lies in its integration of gender analysis and epistemic justice within the field of public diplomacy in Global South contexts—an area often marginalized in mainstream international relations literature. The research not only reveals the symbolic and depoliticized representations of gender in public diplomacy, but also highlights resistant practices by non-state actors who reimagine diplomacy in more inclusive terms. It argues that gender-based public diplomacy is not merely about image-making, but about a state's willingness to confront its own social complexities and build legitimacy through more just and reflective narratives.
NAVIGATING REGIONAL COMPETITION: THE COMPETITIVENESS OF INDONESIA’S MSMES IN THE ASEAN MARKET Lini Ingriyani; Rizki Marman Saputra
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 8 No 2 (2025): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33822/mjihi.v8i2.12525

Abstract

The establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) marks a significant milestone in Southeast Asia’s regional integration efforts, driving economic liberalization, free trade, and cross-border investment flows. Within this dynamic regional environment, Indonesia’s Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs)—which serve as the backbone of the national economy—face both vast opportunities and complex challenges. This study explores how ASEAN’s economic liberalization has opened new market access, strengthened technological collaboration, and fostered cross-border investment linkages, while simultaneously intensifying competition among enterprises across member states. Using liberalism theory in international relations as an analytical framework, this research argues that ASEAN’s economic interdependence produces a dual effect: on one hand, it enhances growth potential through cooperation, but on the other, it exposes structural weaknesses among MSMEs that lack competitiveness. Furthermore, this study examines the institutional role of ASEAN, particularly in enhancing MSME competitiveness through policy harmonization, capacity building, and digital transformation initiatives. Through mechanisms such as best-practice sharing and policy benchmarking, ASEAN institutions contribute to narrowing development gaps among member states and supporting inclusive regional growth. The findings highlight that the competitiveness of Indonesia’s MSMEs in the ASEAN market is determined not only by domestic innovation and efficiency but also by the collective institutional strength of ASEAN in promoting a balanced, open, and cooperative regional economy.
STRATEGI HEDGING TURKI DAN IMPLIKASINYA TERHADAP RESPONS NATO ATAS PERANG RUSIA-UKRAINA (2022-2025) Rachel Kumendong; Beatrice Sungkono; Bias Permata; Kayla Yosin
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 8 No 2 (2025): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33822/mjihi.v8i2.12560

Abstract

This article aims to analyze Turkey’s hedging strategy in the context of the Russia–Ukraine war (2022–2025) and its implications for NATO’s response. Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, Turkey—as a NATO member—has demonstrated a distinct response compared to other alliance countries. Instead of imposing economic sanctions on Russia, Turkey chose to maintain relations in various sectors, raising doubts about the consistency of its commitment to preserving alliance cohesion. This study employs a qualitative method with a focus on literature review to explore the dynamics of Turkey’s foreign policy. The main research question posed is: to what extent has Turkey’s hedging strategy in the Russia–Ukraine war affected NATO’s cohesion and response toward Russia? The findings suggest that Turkey’s hedging strategy does not merely weaken the alliance’s cohesion but also opens opportunities for NATO to enhance its deterrence capability against Russia while supporting Ukraine’s struggle.
Implementasi Kerjasama Indonesia – Australia di Sektor Jasa Pendidikan Tinggi dalam Kerangka IA-CEPA 2020-2024 Yulan Adi Nugroho; Nurmasari Situmeang; Mansur
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 1 (2026): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33822/mjihi.v9i1.13034

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui kerjasama Indonesia – Australia di sektor jasa pendidikan tinggi dalam kerangka IA-CEPA melalui program The Partnership For Australia – Indonesia Research (PAIR) di Sulawesi Selatan Tahun 2020-2024. Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi hasil rarifikasi kerjasama Indonesia - Australia di sektor jasa pendidikan tinggi dalam kerangka Indonesia - Australia Comprehensive Economic Partnershipagreement (IA-CEPA) melalui program The Partnership For Australia - Indonesia Research (PAIR) Di Sulawesi Selatan Tahun 2020-2024. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep kerjasama internasional, kerjasama pendidikan, konsep CEPA, dan konsep kemitraan atau partnership. Metode penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif menggunakan studi kasus. Metode pengumpulan data utama menggunakan teknik studi pustaka yang dikumpulkan dari buku, artikel, laman berita, dan laman resmi dari organisasi-organisasi terkait. Hasil penelitian ini adalah dinamika kerjasama Indonesia – Australia di sektor jasa pendidikan tinggi dalam kerangka IA-CEPA melalui program The Partnership For Australia – Indonesia Research (PAIR) di Sulawesi Selatan Tahun 2020-2024 yang bisa dilihat dari sub poin kemitraan, investasi, peningkatan daya saing, akses pasar, dan rekognisi. Kata kunci: Kerjasama Internasional, CEPA, Pendidikan Tinggi, Kemitraan
The Afghanistan-Pakistan Conflict (2025): Regional Security Complex Theory and Sub-Regional Insecurity Nosami Rikadi Saktinegara
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 1 (2026): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33822/mjihi.v9i1.13341

Abstract

The Afghanistan-Pakistan clash in October 2025 represents a critical episode in South Asian security, revealing how state fragility, transnational militant networks, and contested borders generate recurring instability. This article applies Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) to explain why Afghanistan and Pakistan constitute a tightly coupled sub-regional security complex characterized by high security interdependence and persistent mutual securitization. Using a qualitative, theory-driven research design drawing on institutional reports, conflict-event data, and policy-oriented literature, the study demonstrates that the 2025 escalation was structurally shaped by enduring historical enmity, the operational autonomy of non-state armed groups, and altered patterns of external power penetration following the United States’ withdrawal from Afghanistan. The findings show that bilateral crisis management and ad hoc confidence-building measures are insufficient in contexts of entrenched regional insecurity. This article argues that the Afghanistan-Pakistan conflict constitutes an autonomous sub-regional security complex in which non-state armed groups function as structural drivers of insecurity rather than merely episodic triggers of violence. Keywords: Afghanistan-Pakistan conflict; Regional Security Complex Theory; sub-regional security; non-state armed groups; border governance.
RESPON RUSIA DALAM MENANGGAPI PERLUASAN NATO DI EROPA TIMUR (1999-2022) Dyandara Sekar Pradipta; I Nyoman Aji Suadhana Rai
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 8 No 2 (2025): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33822/mjihi.v8i2.13666

Abstract

This research aims to comprehensively analyze how Russia has responded to NATO’s expansion in Eastern Europe during the 1999–2022 period. By applying the theories of Offensive Realism and the Security Dilemma concept, this study seeks to explain the dynamic action–reaction relationship between NATO’s enlargement policies and Russia’s defense strategies within the post–Cold War geopolitical context. This research employs a qualitative method with a descriptive–analytical approach, supported by a structured interview with Alexey Golovanov, Counselor at the Embassy of the Russian Federation in Jakarta, representing the Embassy of the Russian Federation to the Republic of Indonesia, as well as an extensive literature review of various secondary sources such as policy documents, military reports, and academic publications. The findings indicate that Russia’s responses have undergone significant transformation—from defense diplomacy strategies in the early 2000s to a more confrontational policy under Vladimir Putin’s leadership. This shift is reflected in large-scale military modernization, the strengthening of strategic alliances such as the CSTO and SCO, and direct involvement in armed conflicts in Georgia (2008), Crimea (2014), and Ukraine (2022). These findings suggest that Russia’s policy is not merely a reaction to external threats but represents a long-term strategy to preserve its geopolitical influence and maintain a balance of power with NATO in the Eastern European region. Keywords: Russia, NATO, Expansion, Security Dilemma, Offensive Realism.
The Indonesian Diplomacy to Manage Global Support on Papua Sukawarsini Djelantik
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 1 (2026): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33822/mjihi.v9i1.13744

Abstract

Indonesia has a long history of diplomacy to protect national sovereignty and regional integrity against separatist movements. The Indonesian negotiation to resolve the conflict in Aceh and East Timor marked by peace agreements that end the conflicts for good. However, the issue in Papua remained unresolved and became a diplomatic problem until now. The result of the 1969 referendum (Pepera), which stated that if the majority of Papuan chose to be part of Indonesia, the demand for independence still challenged Indonesia. The demand for independence was led by the Free Papua Movement (OPM). The OPM’s diplomatic factions actively voice their causes at international level to maintain the global awareness of unresolved issues. This paper analyses Indonesia’s diplomacy to resolve separatist issue of Papua. The objective of Indonesia’s diplomacy at bilateral, regional and multilateral level is to strengthen the support of the international community that Papua is legally part of Indonesia. Indonesia’s diplomacy also aims to weaken claims of the OPM on the accusation of the violations of human rights as conducted by the military and security apparatuses in the province. The research would be beneficial in both theoretical and practical purposes. Theoretically, it will develop understanding on the diplomacy as specific study in international relations, especially related to public, economic, and preventive measures. In practical matter, the study could be used in implementing foreign policies especially in the context of conflict resolution.
Middle Powers' Response to the United States’ Trade War Policy During Trump's Second Term Hesti Eka Denata; Nur Luthfi Hidayatullah
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 1 (2026): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33822/mjihi.v9i1.14357

Abstract

This article describes middle powers’ response to the United States’ trade war policy during President Trump’s second term. Unlike the first trade war that the United States conducted solely against China during Trump’s first term, the United States' second trade war also targeted Canada, Mexico, and 184 other trading partners with tariffs. This article argues that in response to Trump's second trade war policy, middle powers conducted adaptive strategies to defend their national interests and economic stability. This study uses a descriptive-qualitative research method, with purposive sampling to select the sample of middle powers, including Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, the European Union, India, Indonesia, Mexico, the United Kingdom, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, and Türkiye. Through secondary data collection, this study found that there are six types of responses conducted by middle powers in response towards the United States’ trade war, including domestic policy alignment, market diversification, negotiation, non-retaliation, regional cooperation, retaliation, and seizing opportunities. The article concludes that despite being under pressure from major powers, middle powers are capable of protecting their national interests amid global economic and political instability.
Navigating Asymmetric Interdependence: Actor Typology and Sectoral Preferences in East Java’s Economic Paradiplomacy (2024–2025) Fatimah Tammy Assegaff; Slamet Muliono Redjosari
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 1 (2026): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33822/mjihi.v9i1.14407

Abstract

Paradiplomacy has emerged as a useful tool employed by subnational governments in addressing the demands and possibilities of interdependence in today’s world. Thus, this research seeks to examine the typology of international actors, patterns of sectoral preferences, and dimensions of interdependence affecting the economic paradiplomacy of East Java province during the period of 2024-2025. By applying a qualitative approach and analyzing documents such as the LKPJ of East Java governor and BPS statistics, this paper is able to establish patterns of global economic engagement in terms of trade and foreign investments in East Java. The findings reveal that the economic paradiplomacy of the region is still dominated by the involvement of East Java with other countries under the state paradigm, especially with Switzerland, China, and the United States. Furthermore, sectoral preferences are focused on traditional comparative advantage in terms of the types of goods traded, namely jewelry, vegetable oils, copper, wood products, and fisheries. As a result, the motives behind the economic paradiplomacy of East Java are resource seeking, efficiency seeking, and market seeking of international actors. Nevertheless, the interdependence of East Java does not create balanced gains but only asymmetric interdependence and dependency of East Java especially on its economic relationship with China, causing a huge trade deficit estimated at around US$4 billion because of its dependency on foreign industrial machinery and technologies.