Journal of Strategic and Global Studies
Journal of Strategic and Global Studies is a journal of applied research in development strategic and global studies. The journal welcomes original papers dealing with important strategic and global studies issues of immediate concern to the developing world. The journal appears in English, in January and July. The Journal of Strategic and Global Studies is printed and published by the School of Strategic and Global Studies, Universitas Indonesia.
Articles
97 Documents
<![CDATA[The Trade War Of China And The Us In 2021, And It’s Impact On The Indonesian Economy ]]>
<![CDATA[Napang, Marthen]]>;
<![CDATA[Rohman, Syaiful]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Strategic and Global Studies Vol. 5, No. 2 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UI Scholars Hub ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study will explore the trade war between China and the United States (US). The US government initially paid close attention to the principle of free and open economics; this was because the US believed that free trade was not only to develop the US domestic economy but also as a tool to generate mutual benefits between cooperating countries. This is in contrast to the US in President Donald Trump 2017-2021, which implemented a policy of protectionism against Chinese trade. Trump did this as a strategy to overcome the negative impact of free trade, which in the end, the US trade dominance was rivaled by China's economic progress. In the era of President Joe Biden, the policy did not change even though the public demanded renegotiation. In this study, the author uses the theory of free trade and economic nationalization. The author uses exploratory qualitative research methods. The study results show that the protectionism policy is part of the US's disappointment with the free trade system because it is not in accordance with the wishes of the US. Without realizing it, the policy of protectionism has become a boomerang for the US domestic economy, considering that free trade is aimed at mutual benefit. This has an impact on the Chinese economy and the Indonesian economy as a developing country. Therefore, protectionism does not benefit the US, considering that the US cannot get the maximum benefit.]]>
<![CDATA[Quad 2.0: Australia’s reaction to the ‘China threat’ ]]>
<![CDATA[De Silva, Shakthi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Strategic and Global Studies Vol. 6, No. 1 ]]>
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<![CDATA[The prevailing scholarly consensus maintains that Australia’s rising threat perception of China influenced its decision to re-join the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) in 2017. Although the minilateral initiative does not have a declared policy to inhibit China’s influence or curtail China’s aggressive behaviour in the Indo-Pacific region, scholars assert that the underlying rationalisation for its resurgence in the present context is due to China’s behaviour. The paper tests this hypothesis by examining whether Australia’s threat perception of China is manifest in its defence white papers and defence updates from 2000 to 2016. Having reviewed this primary material, the author concludes that Australia’s threat perception of China increased over time from the early 2000s. In particular, increased attention to China’s activities in the South Asia and Southeast Asia as well as Australia’s decision to closely observe the bilateral relationship between the United States and China after 2008, manifests Australia’s increased threat perception of China. This is also supported by Lowy Polls between 2000 and 2016. In sum, the paper concludes that Australia’s rising threat perception of China appears to have been a major factor influencing its decision to re-join the Quad in 2017.]]>
<![CDATA[U.S. Foreign Policy Towards Unesco After Acceptance Of Palestinian Membership For The Period 2012-2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Machmudi, Yon]]>;
<![CDATA[Qudsi Ardifansyia, Qothrunnada Quraissyn]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Strategic and Global Studies Vol. 5, No. 2 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UI Scholars Hub ]]>
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<![CDATA[The United States is one of the countries that established Palestine as a state. The struggle for Palestine to get full membership status in the United Nations (UN) also often gets a veto from the United States. The United States rejects Palestine at UNESCO because according to America, membership status as a country cannot determine the decision of the UN Security Council first. The research method used in this research is descriptive research method, and the writer will use secondary data. This paper examines the United States' policy towards UNESCO after the membership of Palestine for the 2012-2017 period. The conclusion of this research is that the United States officially left UNESCO after Palestine joined the organization.]]>
<![CDATA[Analysis of the Impact of Halal Certificate on the Performance of Micro and Small Enterprises (SMEs) with the Propensity Score Matching (PSM) Method ]]>
<![CDATA[Akbar, Gina Rhamdina]]>;
<![CDATA[Rohman, Ibrahim Kholilul]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Strategic and Global Studies Vol. 6, No. 1 ]]>
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<![CDATA[The government passed Undang Undang No. 33, 2014 concerning Halal Product Guarantee (UUJPH) as a mandatory halal regulation in the hope of realizing protection for Muslim consumers and to provide added value for SMEs. However, until 2019, only 1% of SMEs have been certified halal (MUI, 2021). Therefore, it is important to know the impact of halal certificates on the performance of SMEs. Researchers compared the performance of SMEs that are halal certified with SMEs that have not been halal certified using quantitative research designs with the Propensity Score Matching (PSM) method. The PSM method can balance or equalize groups of research subjects with the matching method. With this method the treatment group is paired with the non-treated group based on the observed covariates. This method is used to reduce bias in the estimation of treatment exffects on observational data due to confounding factors. Propensity Score is a conditional probability of getting a certain treatment based on the observed covariates. The results of the study stated that there was a difference in performance between MSEs that were halal-certified and SMEs that were not halal-certified, but the effect of the halal certificate was not significant on the performance of SMEs]]>
<![CDATA[Inertia and Switching Intention Analysis of Muslim Customers to Switch to Sharia Banks in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Suwandi, Indra]]>;
<![CDATA[Sobari, Nurdin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Strategic and Global Studies Vol. 6, No. 1 ]]>
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<![CDATA[Abstract Purpose – The fact that the roles of Conventional Banking are still far dominant than Sharia Banking and keep growing show that most Muslims in Indonesia are inert to Conventional Banking. Unfortunately, research on this subject is very limited. This study aims to analyze the Inertia on Conventional Banking, and Intention to Switch to Sharia Banking of Muslim Customers. Design/methodology/approach – This is a quantitative research. Six antecedents of customer Inertia have been identified i.e.: Knowledge, Confusion, Similaritiy, Switching Costs, Satisfaction, and Religious Norms; and two antecedents of Switching Intention i.e.: Inertia and Satisfaction. 315 data from online survey were analyzed using SEM with the LISREL program, and Friedman Test with the PASW Statistics. Findings – That Knowledge and Similarities have significant negative effect; Confusion and Switching Costs have significant positive effect on customer Inertia; while Satisfaction and Religious Norms have no significant effect. Then that customer Inertia and Satisfaction have negative effect significantly on Switching Intention. Another important findings, there are significant difference of the levels of the customer Inertia, Satisfaction and Switching Intention indicators. Research limitations – provided. Practical implications – The findings are critical because provide clear directions for Sharia Banking in formulating the effective and efficient development strategy. Originality/value – This is a little of research which analyzes the inertia and intention to switch to Sharia Banking of Muslim customers in Indonesia completely. Type of paper – Research Article.]]>
<![CDATA[Effect of the zero-covid policy on Chinese FDI inflows and government’s response: Has the Pandemic led to distinctive paradigm change in China’s hypergrowth approach to development? ]]>
<![CDATA[Demeure, Nicolas]]>;
<![CDATA[Lee, Brice Tseen Fu]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Strategic and Global Studies Vol. 6, No. 2 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UI Scholars Hub ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study examines the effects of China's zero-covid policy on its economy and investigates whether the policy reflects a broader shift in the country's development paradigm. Employing a mixed-methods approach, we analyze key macroeconomic indicators, conduct case studies of strict lockdowns, perform textual analysis of official documents, and apply the concept of fragmented authoritarianism to explore the relationship between central and local governments. The findings indicate that while the zero-covid policy has had negative economic repercussions, China's response does not signify a major departure from its pre-pandemic development paradigm. The initial success of the policy in curbing the spread of the virus attracted foreign investment, but prolonged restrictions led to increasing uncertainty and economic costs. The textual analysis reveals no significant decline in focus on economic performance, suggesting that the pandemic has not markedly shifted the importance of economic growth in China's development paradigm. However, the examination of the fragmented authoritarianism network indicates that the policy may have served as a tool for reinforcing the central party's control over local governments. Overall, this research offers a comprehensive understanding of the implications of the zero-covid policy for China's economy and development trajectory, highlighting the need for a nuanced analysis of the policy's consequences in the context of a changing global landscape.]]>
<![CDATA[Evaluation of The Drug-Free Village Program (Program Desa Bersinar) In Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Nataludin, Christian]]>;
<![CDATA[Samputra, Palupi Lindasari]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Strategic and Global Studies Vol. 6, No. 2 ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Government of Indonesia, has established the Drug-Free Village Program (Program Desa Bersih Narkoba – Desa Bersinar) to overcome the problem of drug abuse and illicit trade at the village level. This research aims to assess the effectiveness of the program implementation and map its constraints nationally. It uses descriptive quantitative methods on formal evaluation approaches and constraint mapping methods. We survey BNNP / BNNK's Prevention and Community Empowerment sub-coordinators throughout Indonesia, with 108 participants participating. Using the effectiveness evaluation criteria, based on the success indicators, according to the Desa Bersinar program implementation technical guidelines. The result shows that two factors explain the success of the Desa Bersinar program with an Eigenvalue of 64,118%. This means that the performance of Desa Bersinar can be explained by these two factors with an explanatory ability of 64.118%, while the rest is explained by other factors that have not been identified. Nationally, the Desa Bersinar program implementation has been effective, with index at 61.99%.]]>
<![CDATA[Liberal Principles, Realist Actions: U.S. Foreign Assistance in the War in Ukraine ]]>
<![CDATA[Sasongkojati, Hiu]]>;
<![CDATA[Subono, Nur Iman]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Strategic and Global Studies Vol. 6, No. 2 ]]>
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<![CDATA[The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine has led to a concerted international effort, with the United States at the forefront, to provide assistance in the form of weaponry and logistical support to the embattled country. While no soldiers are deployed to the front line in an official capacity, the U.S. has provided aid through many security assistance programs dating back to 2014 without becoming an active participant in the conflict, drawing parallels between Ukrainian defense and American national interests in the process. There is a realist element to this approach by maximizing U.S. interests against Russia with minimal costs, but there is also a liberal element by the invocation of moral arguments in order to maintain voter approval to continue providing aid. The paper explores this hypothesis on the simultaneous, but distinctive, use of realist and liberal approaches in U.S. military aid to Ukraine by examining publicly available data on U.S. foreign assistance and survey results. The analysis contributes to a renewed understanding of U.S. foreign policy in the contemporary era and its response to national security threats without the immediate use of kinetic military action, in addition to furthering the literature on public opinion and foreign aid.]]>
<![CDATA[Study of Bakamla RI Building Policy in Order to Implement Maritime Security Enforcer’s Tasks Based on Potential Capability ]]>
<![CDATA[Sudiro, Pratondo Ario Seno]]>;
<![CDATA[Firdaus, Elsa Aliya Rizqoh]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Strategic and Global Studies Vol. 6, No. 2 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UI Scholars Hub ]]>
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<![CDATA[Maritime Security is defined as secure and controlled sea by means of free from violation, pollution, and lawbreaking threats. There are several ‘red zone’ areas in Indonesian sea region which contain several kinds of threat. The existence of ‘red zone’ areas shows that Maritime Security in Indonesian sea region hasn’t been realized yet. Law No. 32 of 2014 mentioned Bakamla RI as Maritime Security enforcer in Indonesian sea region. Bakamla RI is Maritime Security enforcer whose task is to enforce nation sovereignty and maritime law except direct invasion. The purpose of this research is building Bakamla RI to implement Maritime Security based on its capability. Its focus will be divided into two parts: internal (focus on Bakamla RI’s functions under law) and external (focus on procurement of the equipment from national industries). This research uses Qualitative Method processing major information from literature observation at the legislation mainly Law No. 32 of 2014 that supported by some articles from scientific journals and handbooks and minor information from policy brief or strategical planning brief and direct statement from live meeting were also used. It results two potential capabilities of Bakamla RI to be considered during the study of Bakamla RI’s building policy. First is Bakamla RI’s functions as Maritime Security enforcer and second is Bakamla RI’s equipment that available to be procured. The capabilities implicate two main policies in order to build Bakamla RI as Maritime Security enforcer. First is determination of Maritime Zone Region and second is integration of all support equipment in each Maritime Zone Region.]]>
<![CDATA[The Role of Gastronomy in Cultural Politics: Lesson Learned from Italy ]]>
<![CDATA[Elindawati, Rifki]]>;
<![CDATA[Nugrahani, Henny Saptatia Drajati]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Strategic and Global Studies Vol. 6, No. 2 ]]>
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<![CDATA[Cultural politics is one of the efforts used by national governments in promoting culture in various countries to achieve their national interests. Italy tries to implement its cultural politics by seeing gastronomy as a diplomatic tool or gastrodiplomacy. This study attempts to seek answer for two research question, first is how does Italy intensively carry out a gastrodiplomacy as its cultural politics. The theory used in this research is the integral state of Gramsci's Hegemony. The research method that will be used in this paper is a descriptive qualitative research method analysis. Meanwhile, the data collection method used is document study data collection by gathering relevant information and data. The data source used is a secondary data source. The results of this study found that cultural policies are implemented by various elements of the state, the factors involved are non-governmental organizations, the media, educational institutions and business people to gain cultural hegemony.]]>
