Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs
Dauliyah is Journal of International Relations Journal UNIDA Gontor (ISSN : 2477-5460 E-ISSN : 2528-5106). Dauliyah is taken from Arabic which means countries or international. This journal contains articles related to International Issues and Islam, in accordance with the slogan of UNIDA Gontor namely Islamization, we are from International Relations here to accommodate articles relating to Islamic and International Issues. Dauliyah Journal has been accredited by the Ministry of Research, technology, and Higher Education of Republic of Indonesia and indexed with the grade "Sinta 4 or S4" for five years (2020-2025) in Science and Technology Index (SINTA) by the Indonesian Ministry of Research, Technology, and Higher Education (RISTEKDIKTI).
Articles
150 Documents
<![CDATA[THE DILEMMA OF INDONESIAN HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN THE HUMANITARIAN CRISIS IN MYANMAR ]]>
<![CDATA[Anita Afriani Sinulingga]]>;
<![CDATA[Abdul Halim]]>;
<![CDATA[Inda Mustika Permata]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 5, No 1 (2020): Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v5i1.4490
<![CDATA[Indonesia is a country that can conduct dialogue and humanitarian diplomacy to the Myanmar government related to the issue of humanitarian crises that occur in the Rohingya ethnic group in Myanmar. This is evidenced by the acceptance of Indonesia as a dialogue partner in talks related to humanitarian diplomacy which aims to open up humanitarian space so that humanitarian assistance can be channeled to the victims of the humanitarian crisis that occurred. The policy of providing humanitarian assistance is inseparable from the dilemma faced by Indonesia both internally, bilateral relations, and international norms and rules. This paper aims to describe the dilemma faced by Indonesia in the policy of providing humanitarian assistance that departs from the historical proximity of Indonesia and Myanmar, the non-intervention rules of ASEAN, the international norms of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the Islamic identity in Indonesia which constitutes the majority’s identity which urges the government to take responsive actions to resolve the humanitarian crisis. Findings from the paper describe much that was done by Indonesia. Of the various dilemmas faced by Indonesia, the biggest supporting factor in actions taken by Indonesia is the insistence of Muslim identity to take action based on shared identity with victims of the crisis in Rakhine. ]]>
<![CDATA[ASSESSING INDONESIA MARITIME DOCTRINE FOREIGN POLICY AS A RESPONSE TOWARD STRATEGIC RIVALRY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Aditya Maulana Hasymi]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 5, No 2 (2020): Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v5i2.4644
<![CDATA[The strategic rivalry that involved between two major geopolitics power states, United States and China threatening the stability of Southeast Asia regional autonomy. The Sino-US strategic rivalry which happening over maritime access, supremacy, and dominance in Indian Ocean and South China Sea become a particular concern for the ASEAN Member States, including Indonesia. At the same time, Indonesia government under Joko Widodo proposed doctrine maritime through its foreign policy. The aim of maritime doctrine foreign policy is to create a unity from the sea. This paper argue that Indonesia proposed maritime doctrine foreign policy to response the strategic rivalry in Southeast Asia. Using qualitative method, it is revealed the reasons of Indonesian Government using maritime doctrine foreign policy to mediate strategic rivalry in Southeast Asia by: (1) seeks to preserve Southeast Asia’s strategic autonomy and maritime security, and (2) give a conflict resolution for ASEAN to survive between Sino-US strategic rivalry. ]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIAN MINISTRY OF TOURISM POLICY REGARDING HALAL TOURISM PROGRAM (AN OVERVIEW OF THE CONSTRUCTIVISM APPROACH) ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahmon, Belly]]>;
<![CDATA[Tursina, Zahidiyah Ela]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 5, No 2 (2020): Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v5i2.4650
<![CDATA[This article discusses the reason behind the decision from The Ministry of Tourism, Republic of Indonesia to release the Halal Tourism policy by using constructivist perspective. The Ministry has made the religious norm as the principle for the 2013 Halal Tourism Program as a response to the significant number of tourists visiting Indonesia- both domestic and foreign visitors. The Halal Tourism Program was established to fulfill the need of Muslim tourists so that they can still travel around without violating their beliefs or norms- Islamic teaching. The Ministry of Tourism has found a fact that religion is an important consideration for the tourists to make decisions on their travel destination. Using the constructivism approach and after undergoing a social process, the policy of the Halal Tourism based on Islamic norms shaped Indonesia?s identity as a country that is friendly to the needs of Muslim tourists in the international arena. ]]>
<![CDATA[INDIA’S MARITIME DIPLOMACY IN THE SOUTHEAST ASIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Aghnia Lailaturrahmi Noferius]]>;
<![CDATA[Rika Isnarti]]>;
<![CDATA[Haiyyu Darman Moenir]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 5, No 2 (2020): Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v5i2.4645
<![CDATA[This research aims to analyze maritime diplomacy of India in Southeast Asia from 2014 to 2017. This research utilizes the concept of maritime diplomacy by Christian Le Mière. Christian Le Mière that classified maritime diplomacy into three categories which are co-operative maritime diplomac, indicated by humanitarian assistance/disaster relief, goodwill visit, training, and joint exercise and Joint Maritime Security Operations; persuasive maritime diplomacy and coercive maritime diplomacy. This research utilizes qualitative research using secondary data analysis from library research. Maritime diplomacy is chosen because there are increasing activity in the India’s maritime security and trading aspect in the period of 2014-2017. This study found that maritime diplomacy conducted by India fulfilled four indicators of co-operative maritime diplomacy, namely: humanitarian assessment/disaster relief, goodwill visit, training, and joint exercise and Joint Maritime Security Operations with the Indian Navy as the main actor in maritime diplomacy to achieve Indian security interests and trade. ]]>
<![CDATA[INDIA’S MARITIME DIPLOMACY IN THE SOUTHEAST ASIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Noferius, Aghnia Lailaturrahmi]]>;
<![CDATA[Isnarti, Rika]]>;
<![CDATA[Moenir, Haiyyu Darman]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 5, No 2 (2020): Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v5i2.4645
<![CDATA[This research aims to analyze maritime diplomacy of India in Southeast Asia from 2014 to 2017. This research utilizes the concept of maritime diplomacy by Christian Le Mière. Christian Le Mière that classified maritime diplomacy into three categories which are co-operative maritime diplomac, indicated by humanitarian assistance/disaster relief, goodwill visit, training, and joint exercise and Joint Maritime Security Operations; persuasive maritime diplomacy and coercive maritime diplomacy. This research utilizes qualitative research using secondary data analysis from library research. Maritime diplomacy is chosen because there are increasing activity in the India’s maritime security and trading aspect in the period of 2014-2017. This study found that maritime diplomacy conducted by India fulfilled four indicators of co-operative maritime diplomacy, namely: humanitarian assessment/disaster relief, goodwill visit, training, and joint exercise and Joint Maritime Security Operations with the Indian Navy as the main actor in maritime diplomacy to achieve Indian security interests and trade. ]]>
<![CDATA[FOOD NOT BOMBS (FNB) SEBAGAI GERAKAN PROTES TERHADAP AKSI MILITERISTIK NEGARA-NEGARA DUNIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Falhan Hakiki]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 5, No 2 (2020): Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v5i2.4647
<![CDATA[This study aims to determine the Food Not Bombs (FNB) movement as a movement protesting militaristic actions of the states of the world. Through qualitative research methods with analytical descriptive research types and the frameworkof the concept of social movements and international structures as well as the concept of diflusion, FNB action can be identified and explained in its protest against the militaristic actions of world states. The author found the protest action of the FNB was motivated by world states that were too focused on the military field with the fulfillment of military spending, where states were competing to increase the military expenditure so that other sectors were not maximally fulfilled. This has become an established order and the FNB is trying to change that order revolutionarily with the values of pacifism. So the FNB Movement in the international structure have three forms of interaction with the structure itself, first the state system where the FNB is counter to the militaristic system of the states of the world. Second, an international society in which FNB forms solidarity. Third, the world society where FNB is transforming a new form of social order. In this interaction, the FNB carried out its protest actions against the militaristic actions of the states of the world in the form of direct and indirect diflusion. Direct diflusion namely FNB took to the streets in voicing their protest actions and indirect diflusion namely FNB using mass media. ]]>
<![CDATA[FOOD NOT BOMBS (FNB) SEBAGAI GERAKAN PROTES TERHADAP AKSI MILITERISTIK NEGARA-NEGARA DUNIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Hakiki, Falhan]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 5, No 2 (2020): Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v5i2.4647
<![CDATA[This study aims to determine the Food Not Bombs (FNB) movement as a movement protesting militaristic actions of the states of the world. Through qualitative research methods with analytical descriptive research types and the frameworkof the concept of social movements and international structures as well as the concept of diflusion, FNB action can be identified and explained in its protest against the militaristic actions of world states. The author found the protest action of the FNB was motivated by world states that were too focused on the military field with the fulfillment of military spending, where states were competing to increase the military expenditure so that other sectors were not maximally fulfilled. This has become an established order and the FNB is trying to change that order revolutionarily with the values of pacifism. So the FNB Movement in the international structure have three forms of interaction with the structure itself, first the state system where the FNB is counter to the militaristic system of the states of the world. Second, an international society in which FNB forms solidarity. Third, the world society where FNB is transforming a new form of social order. In this interaction, the FNB carried out its protest actions against the militaristic actions of the states of the world in the form of direct and indirect diflusion. Direct diflusion namely FNB took to the streets in voicing their protest actions and indirect diflusion namely FNB using mass media. ]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIA’S DIPLOMACY EFFORTS IN HANDLING CASES OF INDONESIAN LABOR OVERSTAYERS IN SAUDI ARABIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Pambudi Prakoso]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 5, No 2 (2020): Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v5i2.4648
<![CDATA[This study analyzes the eflorts of Indonesian diplomacy in dealing with the problems of overstayers Indonesian Workers (TKI) in Saudi Arabia. Overstayers TKIs are Indonesian workers who exceed the residence permit limit in Saudi Arabia. Several reasons for migrant workers in Saudi Arabia to become overstayed, include migrants who run away from employers so that they become illegal migrants, ex-pilgrims who work illegally, and Indonesian citizens who enter on a visitor visa, calling visa or calling work visa to work at Saudi Arabia. Overstayers TKIs in Saudi Arabia face immigration problems. They do not have complete documents to work in Saudi Arabia, so they are declared illegal migrant workers and do not get social security and legal protection. The condition of overstayers TKI who were displaced under the Kandara bridge in Jeddah as well as in shelters that are not fit to be in the public spotlight. The Indonesian government is demanded to immediately address the overstayers TKI problem. The concept used in this research is diplomacy. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative method. This study aims to determine the problems of overstayers TKI, as well as Indonesia’s diplomacy eflorts in dealing with these problems. From the results of the study, it was found that the eflorts made by the Government of Indonesia were to conduct diplomacy against the government of Saudi Arabia to request amnesty (forgiveness) for all overstayers TKIs as well as the ease of returning the troubled migrant workers back to Indonesia. The overstayers TKI handling program in 2011 was gradual repatriation of 7,926 people with a repatriation scheme using commercial aircraft and ships “KM. Labobar”. ]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIA’S DIPLOMACY EFFORTS IN HANDLING CASES OF INDONESIAN LABOR OVERSTAYERS IN SAUDI ARABIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Prakoso, Muhammad Pambudi]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 5, No 2 (2020): Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v5i2.4648
<![CDATA[This study analyzes the eflorts of Indonesian diplomacy in dealing with the problems of overstayers Indonesian Workers (TKI) in Saudi Arabia. Overstayers TKIs are Indonesian workers who exceed the residence permit limit in Saudi Arabia. Several reasons for migrant workers in Saudi Arabia to become overstayed, include migrants who run away from employers so that they become illegal migrants, ex-pilgrims who work illegally, and Indonesian citizens who enter on a visitor visa, calling visa or calling work visa to work at Saudi Arabia. Overstayers TKIs in Saudi Arabia face immigration problems. They do not have complete documents to work in Saudi Arabia, so they are declared illegal migrant workers and do not get social security and legal protection. The condition of overstayers TKI who were displaced under the Kandara bridge in Jeddah as well as in shelters that are not fit to be in the public spotlight. The Indonesian government is demanded to immediately address the overstayers TKI problem. The concept used in this research is diplomacy. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative method. This study aims to determine the problems of overstayers TKI, as well as Indonesia’s diplomacy eflorts in dealing with these problems. From the results of the study, it was found that the eflorts made by the Government of Indonesia were to conduct diplomacy against the government of Saudi Arabia to request amnesty (forgiveness) for all overstayers TKIs as well as the ease of returning the troubled migrant workers back to Indonesia. The overstayers TKI handling program in 2011 was gradual repatriation of 7,926 people with a repatriation scheme using commercial aircraft and ships “KM. Labobarâ€. ]]>
<![CDATA[NEUTRALITY IN CONFLICT MEDIATION PROCESS ]]>
<![CDATA[Syaiful Anam]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 5, No 2 (2020): Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v5i2.4649
<![CDATA[In conflict mediation understanding the concept and mastering the skill of neutrality is perceived as essential. Despite as a fundamental and core principle in mediation, it has been a debate among mediators upon the outcome of the mediation itself. This principle puts mediator as facilitator who would not influence or be partial over the parties. Indeed, mediators highly respect on aspirations and demands of the parties by creating an acceptable procedural framework which enables disputants to achieve their goals fairly. Nevertheless it is practically an arduous principle and inapplicable. In addition, neutrality is not a stipulation for a successful mediation; rather, mediators need to and should be partial and biased in some cases. This article, therefore, is aimed to examine the problems revolve around the issues of neutrality in mediation process.]]>
