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Meningkatkan Kesadaran Mahasiswa Di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta Melalui Sosialisasi Pendidikan Politik Menjelang Pemilu 2024 Tiffany Setyo Pratiwi; Puguh Toko Arisanto; Muhammad Ridha Iswardhana; , Lucitania Rizky; Adi Wibawa; Hidayat Chusnul Chotimah
SAFARI :Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Indonesia Vol. 4 No. 1 (2024): Januari : Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Indonesia
Publisher : BADAN PENERBIT STIEPARI PRESS

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56910/safari.v4i1.1134

Abstract

Peran pemuda dalam menggunakan hak pilihnya menjadi sangat penting untuk kemajuan bangsa Indonesia, terutama kalangan mahasiswa. Potensi generasi muda sebagai  sangat besar di Indonesia sehingga penting untuk generasi muda melek politik sebagai dasar Pemilu 2024 mendatang. Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) memperkirakan 60% pemilih adalah dari kelompok pemuda atau sekitar 110 juta orang. Pengabdian ini diselenggarakan dalam bentuk penyampaian materi dan diskusi dengan tujuan meningkatkan melek politik di kalangan mahasiswa. Sosialisasi pendidikan politik dihadiri 40 orang terdiri dari Universitas Teknologi Yogyakarta, Universitas AMIKOM Yogyakarta, dan Universitas Pembangunan “Veteran” Yogyakarta. Materi yang disampaikan terkait teknis tentang pengecekan data calon pemilih di masalah , ujaran kebencian, politik identitas, dan oleh media massa.  
Analisis Balance of Power dan Economic Interest Tiongkok dalam Pembangunan Pangkalan Militer Pertamanya di Djibouti 2016 Arisanto, Puguh Toko; Adeline Astrid Maturbongs
ALADALAH: Jurnal Politik, Sosial, Hukum dan Humaniora Vol. 1 No. 2 (2023): Jurnal Politik, Sosial, Hukum dan Humaniora
Publisher : Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Syariah Nurul Qarnain Jember

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59246/aladalah.v1i2.232

Abstract

In 2016, China built its first overseas military base in Djibouti, East Africa. The base was established to prevent the rise of Somali pirates and piracy in the Gulf of Aden and the waters of Somalia. However, China was not the only country that had built military bases in the region. Previously, the United States, France, Italy, and Japan had also established military bases in the area. This article will explain China's motives for building a military base in Djibouti in relation to other countries, aside from preventing piracy. In this article, the authors use the concepts of balance of power and national interests to analyze it. The authors use qualitative research methods and secondary data collection techniques from relevant books, journal articles, and websites. The research results show that China's military base estabishment is an effort to soft balance against the United States' power in Djibouti. In addition, China also has economic motives, which is to facilitate and secure China's international trade, considering the location of the Chinese base is close to the Doraleh port, gateway to trade with Africa and Europe.
Pengaruh Faktor Idiosinkratik Matteo Salvini Dalam Kebijakan Luar Negeri “Salvini Decree” Italia 2018 Galih Antonius Ola Lewoema; Arisanto, Puguh Toko
Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik Vol. 2 No. 2 (2024): Mei : Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik
Publisher : Lembaga Pengembangan Kinerja Dosen

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59581/jhsp-widyakarya.v2i2.2905

Abstract

This research aims to analyze the influence of Matteo Salvini's idiosyncratic factors in the output of anti-migrant policies, so called Salvini Decree in Italy after the winning of the 2018 general election. According to Matteo Salvini, the migrant issue is a threat to Italy's national identity. The authors analyze by using the idiosyncratic concept of leaders in the foreign policy output adopted by a country.. The findings in this research indicate that there is an influence of Matteo Salvini's perception and personality which has an impact on the foreign policy adopted by Italy in 2018. Aggressive foreign policy and excluding international law from the 1951 Refugee Convention and the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) regarding migrant issues is an indication of the perception elite in breaking through political boundaries. His high level of nationalism and ability to control events and be actively involved in policy making allows Salvini to act dominantly and tends to delegate less power to maintain his power through the anti-refugee terms promoted by Salvini.
SOSIALISASI PENDIDIKAN POLITIK MENYONGSONG PEMILU 2024 TERHADAP GENERASI Z DI SMAN 4 YOGYAKARTA Iswardhana, Muhammad Ridha; Arisanto, Puguh Toko; Chusnul Chotimah, Hidayat; Wibawa, Adi; Risky, Lucitania; Setyo Pratiwi, Tiffany
 Jurnal Abdi Masyarakat Multidisiplin Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023): April: JURNAL ABDI MASYARAKAT MULTIDISIPLIN
Publisher : Asosiasi Dosen Muda Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56127/jammu.v2i1.574

Abstract

Abstract Political participation in democratic countries, such as Indonesia, is still not considered high during general election. Influenced by various factors, many people choose not to vote “golput” during election. One way to reduce the number of golput is to provide political education to the public. Generation Z, as first-time voters in the 2024 election in Indonesia, should be given political education to reduce the golput-rate during the democratic process. Generation Z is expected to become politically aware of the political situation, the consequences of golput, and the importance of participation in the 2024 election. At the same time, strengthening political education aims to ensure that Generation Z not only becomes political objects but also political subjects. Therefore, the International Relations Program at Universitas Teknologi Yogyakarta carried out a project to provide political education in preparation for the 2024 election at a senior high school, Sekolah Menengah Atas Negeri (SMAN) 4 Yogyakarta.   Keywords: Political Participation, Election, Political Education, Golput, Generation Z.   Abstrak   Partisipasi politik pada waktu pemilihan umum di negara demokrasi yakni Indonesia masih belum bisa dikatakan tinggi. Dipengaruhi oleh beberapa faktor, banyak masyarakat yang memilih golongan putih (golput) pada waktu pemilu. Salah satunya upaya menguranginya adalah dengan diadakannya pendidikan politik kepada masyarakat. Generasi Z sebagai calon pemilih pemula untuk pemilu 2024 adalah generasi yang patut diberikan pendidikan politik guna mengurangi tingkat golput pesta demokrasi tersebut. Generasi Z diharapkan menjadi generasi yang melek politik terhadap situasi politik, sanksi atas golput, dan pemahaman mengenai pentingnya partisipasi dalam Pemilu 2024. Di sisi yang sama, penguatan pendidikan politik juga dimaksudkan agar generasi Z tidak hanya menjadi objek politik tetapi juga berperan sebagai subjek politik.  Oleh sebab itu, prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Teknologi Yogyakarta melakukan pengabdian mengenai pendidikan politik menyongsong pemilu 2024 di Sekolah Menengah Atas Negeri (SMAN) 4 Yogyakarta.
Konflik Kepentingan dalam Liberalisasi Perdagangan Garam Tahun 2009-2014 Tanaem, Esti Renatalia; Arisanto, Puguh Toko
Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 8 No. 2 (2021): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG)
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21776/ub.jtg.008.02.5

Abstract

The trade liberalization of domestic salt sector in Indonesia indicated by tarriff reduction faced pros and contras. By using the concept of two-level games and governmental process, the authors found that there was a political upheaval of actors both from bureaucrats and interest groups adorning the political process in salt liberalization in Indonesia. Political upheaval occurred due to the tug of war between the pro and the cons. The pros, represented by Ministry of Industry, Ministry of Trade, importers and mafias supported imports of salt to meet domestic needs that cannot be fulfilled by domestic salt productions, both in quality and quantity. On the other hand, the cons represented by the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries and salt farmers both from associations and from non-associations demanded salt import reduction to support the domestic salt production program and the sustainability of the domestic salt industries.KeyWords: Liberalization of Domestic Salt, Two Level Games, Governmental Process, Political Upheaval, Tug of War.
Analisis Sanksi Ekonomi Terhadap Rusia Atas Invasinya di Ukraina 2022 Khisna Kamalia Zulfa; Arisanto, Puguh Toko; Khansa Rulif Mahadana
Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 9 No. 2 (2022): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG)
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21776/ub.jtg.009.02.6

Abstract

Western countries as sender states have imposed economic sanctions on Russia for its invasion of Ukraine since February 2022. Sender states claimed that Russia had violated international law and human rights. The economic sanctions imposed on Russia ranged from freezing state and individual assets to terminating export-import activities to halt the invasion. With a qualitative method, this paper seeks to analyze the effectiveness of the economic sanctions imposed by sender states . The authors use the concept of economic sanction that some scholars argue that most of the economic sanctions are proven ineffective in changing behaviors of the target. In line with this postulate, the authors found that economic sanctions imposed by western countries and their allies on Russia are not effective. Until August 2022, economic sanctions imposed on Russia were unable to stop Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The authors argue that the ineffectiveness of the sanctions is influenced by at least three factors; dependence on Russian energy, Russia's resistance to economic sanctions and Putin's individual factors. Keywords: Economic Sanction, Russia Invasion, Sender, Target, Ineffective
Facing Sender States: Russia’s Smart Power and Energy Security Strategy to Survive from Sanctions 2022-2023 Maruti, Ayu; Maharani, Gita Ardya; Arisanto, Puguh Toko
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024): Edisi Desember
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jihif.v3i1.929

Abstract

This paper aims to explain Russia's efforts to face sender states for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine since February 2022. Including EU countries, the US and its alliances, sender states have gradually imposed various economic sanctions on Russia as target state ranging from freezing state and individual assets to cutting off import and export activities aimed at halting Russia's invasion. Russia, in the aftermath of this, experienced various problems, in particular energy sector as top commodities yet Russia economy has not collapsed. As smart power (regarded as a combination of hard and soft power) and energy security as frameworks are proposed, authors seek to analyze how Russia deals with and survives from the economic sanctions. Previous studies have not addressed how Russia's efforts to deal with economic sanctions examined from the two concepts, thus this article seeks to fill the gap. Using qualitative research methods and the two concepts, authors found that Russia only employed hard power as coercive actions to deal with sender states through a bunch of energy and non-energy instruments. Russia, one of the largest energy exporters and regarding energy security strategy, has undertaken three strategic aspects; energy source sovereignty, foreign market access and financial security for investment. Keywords: Sender States, Economic Sanctions, Russia, Smart Power, Energy Security  
Media dan Persatuan: Sosialisasi Literasi Media di Tengah Arus Hoaks, Hate Speech dan Framing di Dusun Kaliwowo Kedunggalar Ngawi Arisanto, Puguh Toko
PUBLIKASI PENGABDIAN KEPADA MASYARAKAT Vol 3 No 1 (2023)
Publisher : Fakultas Ekonomi dan Bisnis Universitas Multi Data Palembang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35957/padimas.v3i1.4792

Abstract

Media massa termasuk juga media online yakni media sosial memiliki dampak terhadap persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa. Di era saat ini, era masyarakat siber media sebagai sarana pemberitaan dan sarana berekspresi tidak jarang menampilkan informasi yang identik dengan hoaks, ujaran kebencian dan framing. Hal ini dapat menyebabkan kegaduhan di dunia maya hingga konflik di dunia nyata. Jika terus demikian, perpecahan di dunia maya berpotensi terjadi di dunia nyata. Perlu adanya tindakan-tindakan nyata seperti sosialisasi literasi media kepada masyarakat agar melek informasi dan bijak dalam bermedia sosial. Oleh sebab itu, pengabdi melakukan sosialisasi dengan topik mengenai media dan persatuan yang bertujuan memberikan pemahaman literasi media di tengah arus hoaks, hate speech dan framing di dusun Kaliwowo Kedunggalar Ngawi. Pengabdian ini adalah salah satu upaya guna meningkatkan literasi media masyarakat pedesaan yang masih belum paham hiruk pikuk perilaku media khususnya media online yang sering ditemukan informasi hoaks, framing dan ujaran kebencian menjelang pemilu.
Investasi Asing Melimpah di Tengah Institusi Yang Buruk di Tiongkok Arisanto, Puguh Toko
Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 1 (2020)
Publisher : Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i1.37

Abstract

China has become the world's second largest FDI destination in recent years, despite its poor institution status. The success of China seems to undermine the existing theoretical paradigm that good institutions are significantly determinant factors to attract FDI.  This paper aims to explain three locational advantages possessed by China which are domestic market, relatively low wages and broad global market access as attracting factors to FDI inflow amid poor institutions. Furthermore, this paper will explain correlation of FDI with poor institutions in China from some elements of governance.
Upaya Tiongkok dalam Mengatasi Ketimpangan Pembangunan Antardaerah pada Masa Kepemimpinan Jiang Zemin dan Hu Jintao Wibawa, Adi; Arisanto, Puguh Toko
Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 2 No. 2 (2019)
Publisher : Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2019v2i2.152

Abstract

The Chinese economic revolution launched since 1978 by Deng Xiaoping put national economic growth as a priority but ruled out the aspect of equity which was one of the main characteristics of the socialist state. The reVolution resulted a spectacular national economic growth as well as inequality between regions in China. Therefore, the Chinese Government, since the leadership of Jiang Zemin and continued by Hu Jintao, has been trying to improve the condition. This article will explain the strategies and policies of equitable development between regions in China during the reign of Jiang and Hu. By using descriptive qualitative methods, the data used are secondary data obtained from official publications of the Chinese government and supported by scientific articles that can be accessed through the internet. The results obtained indicate the seriousness of the Chinese Government under Jiang and Hu in revising national development priorities. The target of economic growth is lowered and no longer became a priority of development programs. On the other hand, underdeveloped regional development programs such as infrastructure and industrial development are accelerated to catch up with the developed regions.