Articles
<![CDATA[Antara Sabiyah dan Ghulat: Menakar Ekstremitas Sekte-sekte Shiah Melalui Konsep Imamah ]]>
<![CDATA[Fawaizul Umam]]>
<![CDATA[ Islamica: Jurnal Studi Keislaman Vol. 2 No. 2 (2008): Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Postgraduate Studies of Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/islamica.2008.2.2.154-164
<![CDATA[Extremist discourse is found within the Shi?ite community just as it is also found within the Sunnite group. Within the former, the existence of the sectarian groups ?it may be argued- serves as the raison d??tre of extremism. These groups emerged first and foremost as a result of the diverging and somewhat conflicting views on the notion of Im?mah; a notion that always forms part and parcel of the Shi?i tenet. This is in addition to the fact that they emerge as a logical result of the doctrinal disparity that members of these group hold on various issues. It is out of these differences however, that the modulation of Shi?ism into the moderates and the extremists -that is the right and the misled Shi?ism as it were- comes into being. What this implies is that that kind of modulation is not simply about the classification and social identification of Shi?ism. It is also about the categorical stigmatization of members of the group toward each other. Hence, the competing truth-claim among them ends up in a seemingly endless political conflict. In this, those who are judged misled such as the Shi?ah Sab?iyah, are often called the ?ghulat?. Nonetheless, some scholars argue that the identification of this group as ?ghulat? is not due to its misleading tenet, but because of its doctrinal extremism. The more extreme a group becomes, the more misled it is. To me however, this later view is problematic simply because there is no a standardized measure of who is misled and who is not. Vis-?-vis this problem, this paper is destined to investigate the epistemological significance of the word ?misleading? that the Shi?ah Sab?iyah is associated with, and is also interested to find out to what extent this group may be rightly called extremist. All this will be done through the serious study on the central tenet of Shi?ism, namely im?mah.]]>
<![CDATA[Menimbang Gagasan Farid Esack Tentang Solidaritas Lintas Agama ]]>
<![CDATA[Fawaizul Umam]]>
<![CDATA[ Islamica: Jurnal Studi Keislaman Vol. 5 No. 1 (2010): September ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Postgraduate Studies of Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/islamica.2010.5.1.116-128
<![CDATA[Inter-religious conflict has been part of the history of religions. To the dismay of many, the conflict has escalated from time to time overshadowing the benevolent nature of religions as a blessing for mankind. Hence, instead of addressing the formidable problems of poverty, backwardness, ignorance, injustice, oppression and the like, people of different religions in one way or another are dragged into the acts of violence. It is this unfortunate development in the history of religions that we are interested in discussing by appealing to the ideas of Farid Esack who has established himself as an international scholar of Islam. We portray Esack as a man whose attention is being paid solely to promote the inter-religious dialogue with a single purpose in mind, to push peace and harmony for all regardless of their race and religion. We are particularly interested in developing further the idea of what he calls a ?productive dialogue? in which an awareness of religious solidarity constitutes an integral part. We will try to expose the ?hermeneutics of awareness? to get a better idea of what Esack is trying to do as far as social harmony is concerned. Within this scheme we will also discuss some other related issues such as the problem of pluralism and liberation. We argue that Esack sees the problem of social harmony as essentially theological and not simply political. It is therefore the task of religion?and not simply of politic?to deal with such problem.]]>
<![CDATA[PENGARUH MERK DAN RASIO CAMPURAN ANTI GORES TERHADAP KUALITAS HASIL PELAPISAN MATERIAL LOGAM ]]>
<![CDATA[ikhwanul Qiram]]>;
<![CDATA[Fawaizul Umam]]>;
<![CDATA[Adi Pratama]]>
<![CDATA[ ROTOR Vol 14 No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Teknik Mesin Fakultas Teknik Universitas Jember ]]>
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DOI: 10.19184/rotor.v14i1.20642
<![CDATA[Paint is a liquid used to coat the surface of an object with the aim of decorative, reinforcing or protective of the material. Anti-scratch or varnish is a paint made from a hydrocarbon polymer without a color pigment. This study aims to determine the effect of the brand and the ratio of the anti-scratch mixture on the quality of the metal coating. The workpiece used is a 0.5 mm galvanized plate with a size of 10 cm x 10 cm. In this study, three variations of the ratio of anti-scratch and thinner mixtures will be carried out, namely 1: 1, 1: 1.25 and 1: 1.5 using the brands MTT, BLKT, WS. Spraying variations include spraying 1 sec (2x spraying), 2 secs (4x spraying), 3 sec (6x spraying). From the data collection process, two measurements will be taken, the first, the gloss test using a lux meter and a color density test. The gloss test was carried out by irradiating using three tilt angles, namely 50 °, 55 ° and 60 °. To test the color density using the Coolphptools Software. The highest gloss results occurred on the WS brand with a mixture ratio of 1: 1 resulting in a value of 9770 (lux) at an angle of 60 ° with a spray time of 2 seconds (4 times spray). The lowest yield occurred for the MTT brand producing a value of 4170 at an angle of 50 ° with a spray time of 3 seconds (6 times the spray). The results of this study generally show that the brand and the ratio of the anti-scratch mixture have an effect on the coating of metal materials]]>
<![CDATA[HUBUNGAN ANTARUMAT BERAGAMA BERSPIRIT MULTIKULTURALISME ]]>
<![CDATA[Fawaizul Umam]]>
<![CDATA[ TASÂMUH Vol. 13 No. 2 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Mataram ]]>
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<![CDATA[As a spirit, multiculturalism supposed to be an adhesive social harmony and co-existence in different cultural background of society, including religious differences. By the spirit of multiculturalism, a multicultural society would be able to coexist peacefully (peace co-existence) and establish a relationship patterns in a relational tolerance while looking at each other even in forms of disparity which is inherent in every member of society, not exception the disparity of religion and orientation diversity. Establishment of spirit of multiculturalism absolutely important in the context of inter-religious relations are often shows in many cases in face of antagonistic. So that there are at least five strategic steps to strengthen the spirit of multiculturalism in the dynamic relationships between people, namely 1) strengthening the tradition of dialogue, 2) regulation of broadcasting activities of religion, 3) reeducation through educational institutions, 4) reorientation of the role of religious institutions 5) strengthening the principle of constitutionalism well as law enforcement. In multiculturalism perspective, the five steps will lead religious communities, majority and minority, the wisdom in dealing with various truths that appear in the form of religion which is so diverse. This is an affirmation which put the spirit of multiculturalism encounter social relevance, namely the strategic value for the creation of cohesiveness in the harmony of the relationship between multicultural people.]]>
<![CDATA[Tera Ulang Peran Profetik Tuan Guru dalam Konteks Kebebasan Beragama di Pulau Lombok ]]>
<![CDATA[Fawaizul Umam]]>
<![CDATA[ Ulumuna Vol 13 No 2 (2009): Desember ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.20414/ujis.v13i2.367
<![CDATA[Ulama (Islamic scholars) play important role in culturally paternalistic societies. Their prophetic role is theologically idealized as successors of prophets’ risâlah, mission. However, historically speaking, history yet often features reality that differs from their normative role. This paper aims to reevaluate the prophetic role of ulama in Lombok, called tuan guru, in the context of religious freedom praxsis. It is found that what is held by tuan guru in the realm of socio-politico-cultural tend to differ from his own existential theological spirit as one of socio-religious institutions. In the context of the praxis of religious freedom, tuan guru in general tend to play a role as a breeder and booster of anti pluralism discourses. Considering the theological claims of Islam itself as a spreader of mercy for all as well as political-cultural claims that Lombok is religious island, the island of thousand mosques, the realm seems ironic.]]>
<![CDATA[MEASURING RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN INDONESIA: The Reconstruction of State’s Role, the Revitalisation of Faith’s Inclusiveness ]]>
<![CDATA[Fawaizul Umam]]>
<![CDATA[ Asia-Pacific Journal on Religion and Society Vol 5, No 1 (2021): APJRS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Sultan Syarif Kasim Riau ]]>
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DOI: 10.24014/apjrs.v5i1.1151
<![CDATA[This paper describes the challenges to nurture religious freedom in Indonesia due to the misrepresentation of the state’s roles. It discusses religious freedom based on the spirit of individual rights to practice religion (including not to embrace any religion). An analysis is started by proposing facts about the violence of religious freedom and some actual threats to religious freedom. Then, it is concluded with solution of two levels, namely reconstructing the relation between state and religion (public), and revitalizing the inclusiveness of religious pluralism in the people’s consciousness using Islam as its perspective. This is because religious freedom is still a great challenge for Indonesia both in the present and in the future. If we respond to the challenges wisely, the establishment and existence of religious freedom, peace, and inter-religious cooperation in this state is not impossible. Therefore, the prospect of religious freedom in Indonesia relies on the state’s and its citizens’ readiness to embrace the peaceful and tolerant values as the foundations to live in societies of multi-faiths groups.]]>
<![CDATA[The Religious Freedom: Universalism Claim, Resistance of Islamic World, and Reconceptualization ]]>
<![CDATA[Fawaizul Umam]]>
<![CDATA[ ESENSIA: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin Vol. 21 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.14421/esensia.v21i2.2234
<![CDATA[AbstractReligious freedom is one type of human rights which caused major resistance to the universalism claim of human rights in Muslim countries. This article attempted to describe why that resistance arose and how Islam should reconceptualize religious freedom. The religious freedom issues are important to be explored in the context of contemporary Islamic studies because its value and scope tended to be limited in the Islamic conservatism discourse. One of the issues is the fallacy in categorizing the apostasy (riddah)—a non-derogable right—verdicted as a blasphemy in Islam. By reconceptualizing the Islamic meaning of religious freedom, this study applied document analysis to enrich the contemporary Islamist studies, especially to postulate the significant relationship between Islam and human rights and to argue that Islam actually legitimized religious freedom as one of the non-derogable rights.]]>
<![CDATA[PERAN PEREMPUAN DI IRAN PASCA REVOLUSI 1979 DALAM PERSPEKTIF SHIRIN EBADI ]]>
<![CDATA[Moh Choirul Anam]]>;
<![CDATA[Fawaizul Umam]]>;
<![CDATA[Aminullah .]]>
<![CDATA[ Mozaic: Islamic Studies Journal Vol 1 No 02 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pascasarjana UIN Kiai Haji Achmad Siddiq Jember ]]>
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DOI: 10.35719/mozaic.v1i02.1719
<![CDATA[This study aims to comprehensively find out the role of women under the Shah Pahlavi regime. In addition, this study aims to determine the social, political, and economic conditions of Iran after the 1979 revolution. Finally, this study aims to determine the position of women in Shirin Ebadi's view. This research includes library research using a gender approach and a human rights approach. In collecting data, the researcher used the original work of Shirin Ebadi as the primary source, while the secondary data was taken from the works and data related to this research. To process the data, the researcher uses content analysis or content analysis. The results of the analysis explain that Shirin Ebadi has made a big contribution to the struggle of women to get equal rights with men. He was one of the founding initiators of the Center for Defending Human Rights in Iran. Not only that, she became the first female judge in Iran. For handling major criminal cases that dragged important Iranian figures, he was imprisoned by the Iranian government. In 2003, the Norwegian Nobel Committee recognized Shirin Ebadi as the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize for her struggle to defend Iranian women for their rights.]]>
<![CDATA[Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok Muslims’ Merariq Tradition: An ‘Urf Perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Fawaizul Umam]]>;
<![CDATA[Al Humaidy, Mohammad Ali]]>;
<![CDATA[Amrulloh, Moh. Asyiq]]>
<![CDATA[ AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial Vol. 19 No. 1 (2024) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Sharia IAIN Madura collaboration with The Islamic Law Researcher Association (APHI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.19105/al-lhkam.v19i1.10603
<![CDATA[This article discusses dialectical teachings between Islam and local culture among Wetu Telu Muslims, a local community in Lombok, which is often accused of developing a prototype of Islamic teachings mixed with deviant, heterodox, and heretical traditions. The discussion focuses on one form of their traditions that reflects the dialectics, namely the merariq in wedding tradition. By applying a qualitative approach, this study specifically portrayed relevant views of Wetu Telu Muslims which are relatively different from that of orthodox Muslims in Lombok. Based on the results of participatory observation and unstructured in-depth interviews, the study findings reveal that the traditions of the Wetu Telu Muslims, especially in merariq, reflect a dialectical teaching between Islam and local culture so that it can be named as an Islamic tradition. It is also clear that Wetu Telu's teachings are extremely tolerant to the local culture and this is proven, among others, through their wedding tradition. From the ‘Urf perspective, merariq wedding tradition is legitimate for recognition as an Islamic culture or Islamic legal practice even though some aspects of the tradition differ from the general principles of Islamic orthodoxy in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Challenges Of Religion and Identity Politics In Indonesia: The Role Of Islamic Religious Education ]]>
<![CDATA[Dwiki Nur Halimi]]>;
<![CDATA[Fawaizul Umam]]>;
<![CDATA[Safrudin Edi Wibowo]]>
<![CDATA[ IJGIE (International Journal of Graduate of Islamic Education) Vol. 6 No. 2 (2025): September ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master of Islamic Studies Masters Program in the Postgraduate Institute of Islamic Studies Sultan Muhammad Syafiuddin Sambas, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.37567/ijgie.v6i2.3887
<![CDATA[The relationship between religion and society in Indonesia is deeply embedded in the daily lives of its citizens, influencing social interactions, political participation, and cultural dynamics. This interconnection encourages active cooperation and mutual understanding between religious groups, fostering an environment of shared aspirations. However, in the contemporary context, the intersection of religion and politics has become increasingly aligned with the political identity of the population, often complicating interfaith relations. This study explores the political identity of Indonesian citizens in relation to their religious affiliations, emphasizing how these identities shape public interactions and influence societal harmony. Using a qualitative approach with literature-based data, this research analyzes how identity politics in Indonesia is articulated and expressed in a manner that could potentially disrupt the inter-religious relationships established over time. The findings suggest that the expression of identity politics remains immature and poorly executed, which threatens the interfaith harmony that Indonesia has long nurtured. Therefore, identity politics must be approached and articulated in alignment with universal principles and the common good to ensure peaceful coexistence and national unity.]]>
