Articles
<![CDATA[Soft Power Dan Soft Diplomacy ]]>
<![CDATA[Yani, Yanyan Mochamad]]>;
<![CDATA[Lusiana, Elnovani]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL TAPIS Vol 14 No 2 (2018): Jurnal Tapis : Jurnal Teropong Aspirasi Politik Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.24042/tps.v14i2.3165
<![CDATA[ Dalam perkembangannya hubungan internasional selalu memberikan tempat khusus bagi hadirnya tren diplomasi terkini. Pembahasan soft power, hard power dan smart power dari Nye dengan penekanan praktik America power, mengantarkan discourse tentang soft diplomacy di belahan dunia lainnya, Asia dan Eropa. Hal ini dapat menjadi sebuah penanda atau momentum bergesernya kecenderungan masyarakat internasional untuk optimalisasi upaya diplomasi sebagai pencegahan terhadap penyelesaian konflik internasional. Di dalam tulisan ini, peneliti menggunakan metode studi kasus untuk mengupas berbagai fenomena unik dari praktik soft diplomacy di berbagai kisah diplomasi yang mendunia. Tulisan ini akan mengungkap batas dan definisi praktik konsep soft diplomacy. Dari uraian pembahasan tersebut diharapkan akan muncul definisi soft diplomacy yang secara tegas akan membedakannya sekaligus memberi khas diantara praktik-praktik diplomasi yang telah ada di masa sebelumnya. ]]>
<![CDATA[Geopolitics of Gili Trawangan: Identity, Boundaries, and Access to Resources and Modernisation ]]>
<![CDATA[Rachman, Muhammad Fauzi Abdul]]>;
<![CDATA[Yani, Yanyan Mochamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 11, No 1 (2022): Published in May 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Andalas Institute of International Studies UNAND ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.10.1.14-27.2022
<![CDATA[The use of Gili Trawangan, a small island located northwest of Lombok, has changed from a place where fishers from Sulawesi anchored their boats to become a tourist spot visited by tourists from various regions and countries, particularly for SCUBA diving. From a geopolitical point of view, the fishermen, who were the first settlers of the island, now lose their control of the territory and find it difficult to access resources, culture and economy. Investors from outside the island and abroad have controlled this island geopolitically and create their own geopolitical identity. They use Western identities and cultures to dominate geopolitics in the strategic area on the island as the market wants. These are findings derived from a six-month field study on Gili Trawangan and direct interviews with early settlers and community leaders. Finally, the primary data was analysed using the geopolitical concepts of borders and identities.]]>
<![CDATA[The Multi-Level Governance Dilemma in Mandalika Special Economic Zone: A Bargaining and Cooperation Approach ]]>
<![CDATA[Affandi, Roseno Aji]]>;
<![CDATA[Putri, Salsa Nabila]]>;
<![CDATA[Mursitama, Tirta Nugraha]]>;
<![CDATA[Yani, Yanyan Mochamad]]>;
<![CDATA[Bainus, Arry]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 1 (2024) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v13i1.21425
<![CDATA[This study’s background is based on the social and political tension in developing the SEZ in Indonesia. The research concluded that the main problems in SEZ development stemmed from three main factors: (1) lack of comprehension of multi-level governance, both from the central and local governments; (2) too-centralized government imposing top-down regulation; (3) lack of skills from the local government and local community to negotiate and collaborate with the multi-stakeholders. This study disclosed that Mandalika SEZ has encountered the same problem, specifically the lack of the role of local government and local communities in participating in Mandalaika SEZ sports tourism development. This study is crucial in terms of its contribution to theory and fieldwork investigation. This study investigated the political economy impacts of Mandalika SEZ by employing the integration of Multi-Level Governance (MLG) and Bargaining and Cooperation (BNC) theories. The integration of these theories is novel and differentiates them from previous research. This study employed a qualitative research approach, utilizing stakeholder interviews as the primary data source, complemented by secondary data obtained from prior research.]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIA'S TECHNICAL EDUCATION AID TO KENYA: A SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION PERSPECTIVE ]]>
<![CDATA[Dorine Andayi Munyifwa]]>;
<![CDATA[Yanyan Mochamad Yani]]>;
<![CDATA[Siti Aliyuna Pratisti]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v10n2.2
<![CDATA[South-South Cooperation (SSC) has become a structurally different form of development that is a challenge to the conditionality-based structures of North-South aid. This paper discusses the technical education assistance given by Indonesia to Kenya as a development diplomacy tool in the SSC context, filling a literature gap on how Southern donors use education assistance as a soft power and public diplomacy instrument. Based on qualitative documentary analysis of policy reports, institutional documentation, and peer-reviewed literature, 2009-2025, the study explores three dimensions of analysis: the institutional architecture of SSC in education in Indonesia, how technical education partnerships are aligned with the industrialization agenda of Kenya Vision 2030 and the soft power politics inherent in Indonesian involvement as an emerging Southern donor. The results show that the Indonesian technical education aid, in the form of scholarships, TVET capacity-building, and bilateral memoranda of understanding is a demand responsive, sovereignty-respecting model that fulfills Kenya-reported skills shortage and serves Indonesia development diplomacy goals. This work advances both constructivist explanations of SSC and the literature on public diplomacy by developing technical education as an analytically meaningful yet under-researched tool of Southern Unity.]]>
<![CDATA[WHY REGIONAL LEADERS UNDER-TRADE: KENYA-INDONESIA TIES IN A SOUTH-SOUTH CONTEXT ]]>
<![CDATA[Kelvin Mwangi Maina]]>;
<![CDATA[Yanyan Mochamad Yani]]>;
<![CDATA[Anggia Utami Dewi]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v10n2.8
<![CDATA[This article examines why Kenya and Indonesia continue to under-trade despite renewed diplomatic engagement that was marked by the opening of a Kenyan embassy in Jakarta in 2022. As regional economic actors that share South-South cooperation narratives, the two countries experience limited bilateral trade that stood at approximately $295 million in 2024, with Kenya running a significant trade deficit of about $233 million. The study employs a qualitative case study approach that draws on trade data, policy documents, secondary literature, and semi-structured interviews with a former Indonesian diplomat in Nairobi as well as students of international relations from both Kenya and Indonesia. It applies neoliberal institutionalism complemented by constructivist insights to analyse the structural and ideational constraints shaping this outcome. The findings of the study pinpoint five key hindrances: asymmetric policy priorities favouring traditional markets, weak institutional frameworks, logistical and regulatory barriers, structural trade imbalances, and enduring perception gaps. These factors collectively constrain the translation of diplomatic intent into substantive economic exchange between the two countries. The article argues, while Kenya and Indonesia rhetorically align under the Bandung Spirit and South-South cooperation, this has not materialised into meaningful economic outcomes.]]>
<![CDATA[DAMPAK KEBIJAKAN AMERIKA SERIKAT DI INDO-PASIFIK DALAM MENGHADAPI CHINA TERHADAP KEAMANAN INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Mariane Olivia Delanova]]>;
<![CDATA[Yanyan Mochamad Yani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Academia Praja Vol 5 No 1 (2022): Academia Praja : Jurnal Ilmu Politik, Pemerintahan, dan Administrasi Publik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jap.v5i1.413
<![CDATA[Meningkatnya eskalasi ketegangan yang menimbulkan potensi konflik di kawasan Indo-Pasifik membuat Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara yang memiliki letak geografis di kawasan Indo-Pasifik merasakan ancaman yang nyata terhadap keamanan kedaulatan negara Indonesia. Amerika Serikat yang merasa terancam dengan bangkitnya China yang muncul sebagai pemain global membuat AS mengeluarkan berbagai kebijakan untuk menghalau adanya hegemoni China di dunia. China sendiri telah melakukan sebuah klaim sepihak terhadap Laut China Selatan yang membuat AS dan berbagai negara geram dengan adanya klaim ini. Kebijakan-kebijakan apa saja yang dikeluarkan oleh AS dalam rangka menghalau hegemoni China di kawasan Indo-Pasifik? Apakah kebijakan-kebijakan tersebut memiliki sebuah dampak positif ataupun dampak negatif bagi Indonesia? Penulis akan menjelaskan hal-hal tersebut dalam artikel ini.]]>
<![CDATA[STABILITAS EKONOMI INDONESIA DALAM PANDEMI COVID-19 DAN POTENSI INDONESIA UNTUK TERJEBAK MIDDLE INCOME TRAP ]]>
<![CDATA[Vellix Wanggai]]>;
<![CDATA[Mariane Olivia Delanova]]>;
<![CDATA[Yanyan Mochamad Yani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Academia Praja Vol 6 No 1 (2023): Academia Praja : Jurnal Ilmu Politik, Pemerintahan, dan Administrasi Publik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jap.v6i1.1424
<![CDATA[This article will focus on the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on Indonesia's economic conditions. Researchers realize that solid economic stability will lead the country to achieve public welfare and achieve the ideal form of government, therefore research on the impact of the pandemic on the economic stability of a country is something important to do. The decline of Indonesia's status to a lower middle income country in mid-2021 has become a clear warning for Indonesia to improve in handling Covid-19, poor handling will have implications for the wheels of the Indonesian economy which may plunge Indonesia into a middle income trap. The results of the study show that the transformation of the economy towards a knowledge-based economy will be the right step to maintain economic stability during the pandemic because of its more resilient nature.]]>
<![CDATA[PENGARUH PERANG RUSIA DAN UKRAINA TERHADAP PEREKONOMIAN NEGARA KAWASAN ASIA TENGGARA ]]>
<![CDATA[Connie Rahakundini Bakrie]]>;
<![CDATA[Mariane Olivia Delanova]]>;
<![CDATA[Yanyan Mochamad Yani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Caraka Prabu Vol 6 No 1 (2022): Caraka Prabu : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jcp.v6i1.1019
<![CDATA[Perang antara Rusia dan Ukraina memiliki implikasi yang sangat serius bagi pasar global. Rusia adalah produsen dan pengekspor minyak terbesar ketiga di dunia, pengekspor gas alam terbesar kedua, dan pengekspor batu bara terbesar ketiga. Selain itu, Ukraina sama pentingnya dalam memenuhi pasar global sebagai pengekspor minyak bunga matahari terbesar, pengekspor jagung terbesar keempat dan pengekspor gandum terbesar kelima. Kedua negara ini merupakan pemasok yang sangat penting bagi negara-negara defisit seperti Asia Tenggara dimana lebih dari 37 persen impor migas ke Asia Tenggara. Secara absolut perang yang terjadi mengakibatkan kenaikan harga minyak dunia yang berimbas pada Asia Tenggara. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan dan menganalisis pengaruh perang antara Rusia dan Ukraina terhadap perekonomian negara-negara di kawasan Asia Tenggara. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian deskriptif analitik sehingga peneliti tidak hanya menjelaskan pengaruh perang antara Rusia dan Ukraina terhadap perekonomian Asia Tenggara, tetapi juga menganalisis hubungan ekonomi antara negara-negara Asia Tenggara dengan Rusia. Hasil dalam penelitian ini adalah bahwa pada tahun 2017, Rusia menduduki peringkat kedelapan di antara mitra dagang utama ASEAN, dengan total perdagangan bilateral hanya 0,66% dari total omset perdagangan ASEAN. Perang yang terjadi antara Rusia dan Ukraina tentunya berdampak pada sektor ekonomi dan tentunya konflik tersebut berujung pada restrukturisasi perdagangan internasional dan negara-negara yang memiliki hubungan dengan Rusia dan Ukraina akan memberikan pengaruh yang besar terhadap kepentingan nasional negaranya. Asia Tenggara merasakan efek langsung dari perang seperti gangguan rantai pasokan global dan kenaikan harga energi dan pangan. Selain itu, kenaikan harga BBM di beberapa negara. Hal ini membuat dampak perang antara Rusia dan Ukraina mendapat pengaruh yang besar dari berbagai sektor sehingga menyebabkan terjadinya restrukturisasi ekonomi global.]]>
<![CDATA[PHILIPPINE FOREIGN POLICY ADDRESSING THE SOUTH CHINA SEA DISPUTE: A RATIONAL MODEL ANALYSIS ]]>
<![CDATA[Fikriya Husna Inayah]]>;
<![CDATA[Yanyan Mochamad Yani]]>;
<![CDATA[Darmansjah Djumala]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Dinamika Global Vol 10 No 2 (2025): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v10i2.4660
<![CDATA[This study analyzes the Philippines' foreign policy in the South China Sea dispute during the Ferdinand Marcos Jr. era using the Rational Model. The results show a significant transformation of the Rodrigo Duterte era to a concordance strategy with the United States during the Marcos Jr. era. The failure of Duterte's pro-China approach, which actually increased the aggressiveness of the Chinese Coast Guard and did not provide the expected concessions, became a policy lesson for the Marcos Jr. administration. The concordance strategy was shown through the expansion of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, the intensification of military exercises, the modernization of military capabilities, the institutionalization of intelligence sharing, and active participation in multilateral forums. This qualitative research, with data triangulation, reveals that the Philippines' chosen strategy reflects a rational calculation that aligning with the United States provides greater benefits for securing maritime sovereignty and regional stability than confronting China.]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIA'S FOREIGN POLICY IN CREATING SECURITY STABILITY IN INDO-PACIFIC REGION ]]>
<![CDATA[Mariane Olivia Delanova]]>;
<![CDATA[Yanyan Mochamad Yani]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 1 No 1 (2021): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v1i1.574
<![CDATA[Indonesia as one of the countries that is included in the Indo-Pacific Region has an important role in creating security stability in the Region. As the center point of the Indo-Pacific, Indonesia certainly thinks about the right defense strategy to be able to play an active role in the region. Undoubtedly, this action will be related to Indonesia's free-and-active foreign policy. As a region that has strategic points, countries in the Indo-Pacific Region carry out an agenda to be able to solve problems in a peaceful way by increasing mutual trust. Naturally, it will make the Indo-Pacific Region as a central region in the future. Based on the findings, Indonesia's foreign policy takes part in an active role at the international level by promoting the concept of cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Region to increase mutual trust between countries. In addition, countries in the region participate in mutually beneficial openness in order to create security stability in the region. Indonesia's foreign policy is considered to be appropriate and useful in the midst of situations in competing for having influence in the region. Thus, Indonesia's role in the Indo-Pacific cannot be separated from the character of Indonesia's current foreign policy which emphasizes “middle power” and leadership in the region.]]>
