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All Journal STUDIA ISLAMIKA Ulul Albab: Jurnal Studi Islam KOMUNITAS: INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN SOCIETY AND CULTURE Teosofi: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam Islamika Indonesiana Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies IJTIHAD Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities Hanifiya: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama Journal of Asian Social Sciences Research Jurnal Studi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik Jurnal Review Politik Studia Islamika Khazanah Hukum International Journal of Islamic Khazanah Khazanah Theologia
Ahmad Ali Nurdin
Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung
Religion Arts Humanities Computer Science & IT Education Environmental Science Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences Other

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KAJI ULANG KONSEP HUBUNGAN ISLAM DAN DEMOKRASI Nurdin, Ahmad Ali
Jurnal Review Politik Vol. 6 No. 1 (2016): June
Publisher : Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Filsafat UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (562.526 KB) | DOI: 10.15642/jrp.2016.6.1.1-30

Abstract

This paper examines relationship between Islam and democracy. Agreements and disagreements among scholars about the concept are firstly discussed. It is followed by a discussion about formalist and substantive democracy. In examining relationship between  Islam and democracy, the views of muslim scholars such as Sayyid Qutb, Al-Maududi, Ibnu Taimiyah and Al-Mawardi are examined. Finally, this paper describes Islamic values that compatible with democracy and examples of the views of muslim politicians in Southeast Asia particularly Indonesia and Malaysia about democracy and its implementation in these countries.
Islam, Korupsi dan Struktur Politik di Indonesia Herlina, Lina; Nurdin, Ahmad Ali
Jurnal Review Politik Vol. 7 No. 2 (2017): December
Publisher : Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Filsafat UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

This article departs from the author's interest in answering the question 'why most corruptors are Muslims?' Then, the author decides to make Islam, corruption and the political-bureaucratic structure in Indonesia as the theme of the discussion. There are two things that cause the emergence or the growth of corruption in Indonesia namely; first, the bureaucratic-political structure and the second: the understanding of the values of goodness (Islamic value). The political and bureaucratic structures have the most significant influence not only in Indonesia but also globally (Yaw M. Mensah: 2012). Beside, a lack of understanding about Islamic rules also causes why some Muslims like politicians, are trapped in corruption cases. Therefore, there are two solutions that can be put forward namely; firstly, the restoration of political structure and bureaucracy, and secondly, anticipate with the understanding of Islam wholly and integrity (kaffah)
Unraveling Cults in West Java: A Socio-Legal Analysis of Teachings, Spread, and Human Rights Implications Ahmad Ali Nurdin; Adon Nasrullah Jamaludin
Khazanah Hukum Vol. 6 No. 2 (2024): Khazanah Hukum Vol 6, No 2 August (2024)
Publisher : UIN Sunan Gunung Djati

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/kh.v6i2.36417

Abstract

This article investigates the phenomenon of cults in West Java, a province with the highest number of cult cases in Indonesia. Based on data from the Indonesian Ulema Council of West Java, the province hosts 144 cults. This study focuses on seven regencies: Bandung Regency, West Bandung Regency, Garut Regency, Tasikmalaya Regency, Ciamis Regency, Cirebon Regency, and Cimahi City, examining the distinct socio-demographic characteristics of these regions regarding teachings, spreading patterns, and the vulnerabilities that lead individuals to join cults. The research explores the legal responses and human rights challenges in managing and mitigating the influence of these cults, particularly in rural, economically disadvantaged, and low-education areas. The article argues that cults often thrive in these communities due to the promise of peace and solutions to life's challenges, raising significant concerns regarding the protection of vulnerable populations and the enforcement of legal and human rights standards.
Whither Kampung Sawah Bekasi: A Model For Religious Moderation Practice? Ahmad Ali Nurdin; Adon Nasrullah Jamaludin
International Journal of Islamic Khazanah Vol. 15 No. 2 (2025): IJIK
Publisher : UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/ijik.v15i2.52960

Abstract

This article examines the practice of religious moderation in Kampung Sawah, Bekasi, an area known for its high level of religious diversity and longstanding traditions of harmonious interfaith relations. Although the concept of religious moderation was formally introduced by the Indonesian Ministry of Religious Affairs only in recent years, this study finds that the community of Kampung Sawah has long embodied similar values in their everyday social practices. Using a descriptive-analytical method, the research identifies that the four key indicators of religious moderation—national commitment, tolerance, non-violence, and appreciation of local culture—are strongly reflected in the attitudes and behaviors of the community. These moderate orientations have emerged through a long socio-cultural process, shaped by value transmission within families and sustained interactions within the broader community. A central mechanism in this formation is the community’s consistent emphasis on shared identity and collective harmony over religious or cultural differences. The findings demonstrate that religious moderation can evolve organically through historical experience, cultural continuity, and community-based social relations.
Prejudice and Religious Conflict : Dispositive Analysis of Film “Nama Saya Ahmad” Dwi Wahyuni; Ahmad Ali Nurdin
Khazanah Theologia Vol. 4 No. 1 (2022): Khazanah Theologia
Publisher : UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/kt.v4i1.18169

Abstract

So far, studies on the sources of conflict are more dominantly viewed from a macro-social perspective without considering a micro-social perspective. Socio-cultural disparities, political dominance, inequality in economic distribution, and differences in religious or ethnic identity are more dominantly understood as causes of conflict. Whereas the potential for animal power that is inherent in humans is also a factor in the occurrence of conflict. Applying the method of dispositive analysis modeled by S. Jager and F. Maier, this text-based article aims to complete the lack of interpretation of the source of the conflict and analyze how the text of the film “Nama Saya Ahmad” represents the correlation of prejudice and religious conflict. This article shows that the film “Nama Saya Ahmad” depicts religious conflicts starting from prejudice between religious believers. In order for prejudice to be parsed, it is important to expand the dialogue space. Apart from breaking down prejudices, dialogue can also strengthen the social integration of the community.
Sunni and Shiite Political Thought of Islam State Relationship: A Comparison between Abdurrahman Wahid of Indonesia and Ayatollah Khomeini of Iran Nurdin, Ahmad Ali; Kharlie, Ahmad Tholabi
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019): Journal of Asian Social Science Research
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (305.887 KB) | DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v1i1.5

Abstract

This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.
Platformizing Islamic Political Legitimacy across the 2014-2024 Indonesian Election: Rearticulating Authority and Morality in Digital Democracy Gumilar, Setia; Nurdin, Ahmad Ali; Rahman, M. Ridha Taufiq
Teosofi: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam Vol. 16 No. 1 (2026): June
Publisher : Department of Aqidah and Islamic Philosophy, Faculty of Ushuluddin and Philosophy, Sunan Ampel State Islamic University Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/teosofi.2026.16.1.84-113

Abstract

Digital platforms have structurally reconfigured the conditions under which Islamic parties produce and contest political legitimacy in electoral democracies. This article examines how platformization transformed the campaign discourse of two major Indonesian Islamic parties, PKS and PKB, across the 2014, 2019, and 2024 general elections. Using Facebook posts from the official accounts of PKS, PKB, and Kompas as an issue-control corpus, the study applies a qualitative, comparative, diachronic framework that integrates platformization theory, the hybrid media system perspective, Entman’s framing analysis, Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis, and van Leeuwen’s legitimation theory. The findings demonstrate that Islamic party discourse became progressively platform-oriented across three electoral cycles, characterized by increasing hashtag adoption, modular slogans, and explicit calls to action. More significantly, the dominant legitimating resources shifted from organizational mobilization and procedural credibility in 2014, to religious endorsement and communal symbolism in 2019, to welfare claims and democratic ethics in 2024. These findings indicate that platformized Islamic politics in Indonesia constitutes selective rearticulation rather than de-Islamization, as the moral vocabulary of Islam is continuously reformulated into forms more compatible with platform legibility and mass electoral resonance.
Co-Authors Adon Nasrullah Jamaludin Adon Nasrullah Jamaludin Adon Nasrullah Jamaludin, Adon Nasrullah Ahmad Tholabi Kharlie Al-Fikri, Muchsin Dody S. Truna Dwi Wahyuni Gumilar, Setia Helmy, Muhammad Irfan Herlina Nurani Husnul Qodim, Husnul Iji Jaelani Jajang A Rohmana Kustana, Kustana Kustana, Kustana Lina Herlina Muhammad Irfan Helmy Muhammad Irfan Helmy Nunu Burhanuddin Nurani, Herlina Rahman, M. Ridha Taufiq Rosihon Anwar, Rosihon Rostandi, Usep Dedi Supriatna, Encup Supriatna, Encup Yoshy Hendra Hardiyan Syah