Muhammad Siddiq Armia
Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry Banda Aceh, Indonesia

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Democracy through Election Muhammad Siddiq Armia
Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights Vol 2 No 1 (2018): June 2018
Publisher : Jember University Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.19184/jseahr.v2i1.5333

Abstract

After amendment the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia has adopted election mechanism to implement a value of democracy. Unfortunately, the regulations as a main tool have not completely covered all of election issues. It follows that the election legal systems have only been prepared for the post-election dispute instead of the pre-election dispute. This case happened in the province of Aceh. On one hand Aceh has its own law regarding the autonomy province, on the other hands, Aceh must coexist the national law as well. However, both Aceh’s law and national’s law does not clearly provide the mechanism of handling the pre-election dispute among the regulations. This implies that the provincial election cannot be implemented as long as does not have legal certainty. In the provincial level have suggested making a new bylaw focusing on the local election only, nevertheless, central government have strongly rejected this idea.
CONSTITUTIONAL COURTS AND JUDICIAL REVIEW: LESSON LEARNED FOR INDONESIA (MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DAN PENGUJIAN UNDANG-UNDANG: PEMBELAJARAN BAGI INDONESIA) Muhammad Siddiq Armia
Jurnal Negara Hukum: Membangun Hukum Untuk Keadilan Vol 8, No 1 (2017): JNH VOL 8 NO. 1 Tahun 2017
Publisher : Pusat Penelitian Badan Keahlian Setjen DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jnh.v8i1.940

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In the context of reviewing law through judiciary organ, the court plays significant role to review several regulation. This article specifically will discuss regarding the role of court on judicial review. This idea spreads out worldwide including in Indonesia. The Constitutional court and judicial review are two words which having inextricably meaning that attached to each other. On worldwide, the system of reviewing law by involving judges commonly has been practiced by several countries. There are two most significant state organs that plays role in the system, they are constitutional court and supreme court. Most countries do not have constitutional court and will deliver the authority of judicial review through supreme court. It has added more tasks, not only to adjudicate the common case, but also regarding constitutionality matter of an act against constitution. This model is commonly known as a centralized model, as practiced in the United State of America. In the Countries that owned a constitutional court, will certainly deliver the authority of judicial review through constitutional court. 108 NEGARA HUKUM: Vol. 8, No. 1, Juni 2017 This model is commonly known as Kelsenian’s model. In this model, the constitutional court will merely focus on the constitutionality of regulations, and ensuring those regulations not in contradicting with the constitution. The Supreme Court in this model merely focus on handling common cases instead of regulations. Those two model of judicial review (through the constitutional court and the supreme court) has widely been implemented in the world legal systems, including in Indonesia. In the authoritarian regime, Indonesia implemented the centralized model, which positioned the Supreme Court as the single state organ to handle the common case and also judicial review. Having difficulties with the centralized model, after the constitution amendment in 2003, Indonesia has officially formed the constitutional court as the guardian of constitution. However, the Indonesian Constitutional Court (ICC) merely examine and/or review the statute that against the Indonesian’s Constitution year 1945, and related to the legislations products lower than the statute will remains the portion of the Supreme Court jurisdiction. Such modification is vulnerable resulting a judgement conflict between the ICC and the Supreme Court.ABSTRAKPosisi peradilan memainkan peranan penting dalam proses uji materi undang-undang. Mahkamah konstitusi dan pengujian undang-undang merupakan dua kata yang saling berkaitan memiliki keterikatan. Ide dasar pengujian peraturan perundang-undangan melalui lembaga peradilan berkembang luas di dunia hingga sampai ke Indonesia. Sistem pengujian undang-undang dengan melibatkan hakim sudah sering digunakan dan dipraktekkan di berbagai negara. Terdapat dua organ kenegaraan yang mempunyai peran vital dalam memaikan peran ini yaitu mahkamah konstitusi dan mahkamah agung. Model seperti ini lebih dikenal dengan model terpusat di suatu lembaga negara sebagaimana yang di Amerika Serikat. Sedangkan negara yang mempunyai mahkamah konstitusi akan melimpahkan kewenangan pengujian undang-undang kepada mahkamah konstitusi, model ini dikenal dengan model Kelsen. Pada model ini mahkamah konstitusi hanya berfokus pada konstitutionalitas peraturan peraturan perundang-undangan serta memastikannya agar tidak bertentangan dengan norma dalam konstitusi. Mahkamah agung pada model ini hanya berfokus untuk menangani kasus sehari-hari saja, bukan untuk menguji peraturan perundang-undangan. Dua model ini pengujian undang-undang ini (melalui mahkamah konstitusi dan mahkamah agung) sering diterapkan dalam sistem ketatanegaraan dunia, termasuk juga di Indonesia. Pada zaman rezim otoriter, Indonesia menerapkan sistem pengujian undang-undang terpusat, dengan memposisikan Mahkamah Agung sebagai organ tunggal negara yang menangani perkara sehari-hari dan pengujian undang-undang. Menemukan hambatan dengan model terpusat ini, akhirnya Indonesia membentuk Mahkamah Konstitusi. Mahkamah Konstitusi Indonesia hanya menguji undang-undang terhadap Undang-Undang Dasar 1945. Sedangkan peraturan perundangundangan di bawah undang-undang tetap menjadi kewenangan Mahkamah Agung. Modifikasi seperti ini berakibat rentannya terjadi pertentangan putusan antara Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Mahkamah Agung.
EKSEKUTIF REVIEW TERHADAP PERDA RETRIBUSI DI DAERAH OTONOMI KHUSUS Muhammad Siddiq Armia
Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional Vol 5, No 2 (2016): August 2016
Publisher : Badan Pembinaan Hukum Nasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (497.048 KB) | DOI: 10.33331/rechtsvinding.v5i2.143

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Dalam upaya pelaksanaan otonomi khusus, berbagai provinsi di Indonesia bersaing dalam upaya peningkatan retribusi daerahnya masing-masing. Hal ini telah mendorong provinsi-provinsi untuk membuat peraturan daerah (perda) regulasi) yang dapat mendatangkan nilai tambah bagi provinsinya. Sayangnya, perda-perda tersebut kadangkala mengalami ketidakharmonisan dan ketidaksinkronan dengan regulasi yang lebih lebih tinggi baik dari segi materi muatan maupun dari segi teknis pembuatannya. Hal ini mengakibatkan meningkatnya jumlah peraturan daerah yang dibatalkan atau yang perlu di revisi kembali melalui proses eksekutif review di Kementerian Dalam Negeri (Kemendagri). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan black-letter law untuk menjawab bagaimana permasalahan utama dalam materi muatan suatu perda dan faktor apa sajakah penyebab terjadinya pelanggaran hierarki dari suatu perda. Penelitian menunjukan sejak pemerintahan Jokowi hingga Januari 2016, Kemendagri telah membatalkan 3.143 perda yang berasal dari seluruh kabupaten/kota dan provinsi di Indonesia. Jumlah tersebut diasumsikan akan terus bertambah seiring dengan semakin meningkatnya proses legislasi di daerah. Penyebab utama dari pembatalan perda-perda tersebut diantaranya adalah; pertentangan materi muatan, penentuan sanksi, rendahnya partisipasi masyarakat, dan problematika naskah akademik.In implementing special autonomy, Indonesia provinces have competed each other to gradually increase the province revenue. The province legislate several regional regulations in their province to create legal based for revenue income. However, those regional regulations commonly contradict with the higher law at national level. The contradictions are indicated both in legal substance and legislation technic. In other words, those regional regulations are vulnerable to violate the regulation hierarchy in national level. Thus, the increasing of annulled regional regulation has regularly amplified in the Ministry of Home Affairs. This research using normative law research method with black-letter law approach to answer what is the main problems within regional regulation legal substance and what factors cause hierarchy violations by the regional regulations. Since the empowered of Jokowi until January 2016, the Ministry of Home Affairs have invalidated more than 3.143 regional regulations, delivered from all cities, districts, and provinces in Indonesia. The invalidated regional regulations number is assumed to grow, together with the increasing of legislation in local government level. The main reasons of invalidation regional regulations consist of contradicting contents, punishment, low public participation, and lack quality of academic research.
PENGHAPUSAN PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD SEBAGAI UPAYA PEMULIHAN HAK-HAK KONSTITUTIONAL Muhammad Siddiq Armia; Nafrizal; M. Deni Fitriadi; Iqbal Maulana
PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH Vol 1 No 2 (2016)
Publisher : LKKI Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (2320.683 KB) | DOI: 10.22373/petita.v1i2.83

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The removal system of the presidential threshold had a positive impact on the development of Indonesian democracy. The system had restored the remedy of constitutional rights that was torn by the presidential threshold. Non-majority parties obtained many advantages: to propose their respective president candidates and to add choices in the presidential election. The presidential thresholds eased the president in conducting government duties because of not being intervened by the other dominant parties in the parliament. However, the weakness of this removal system needed to be considered, for example, the vulnerability of individual interests gained through presidential candidacy. It might also expand the conflict escalation and election crime due to a large number of candidates based on the national security aspect. The other weakness was increasing the election budget allocation referring to the efficiency aspect. The budget allocation would be beneficial to share with other departments in improving people’s welfare. However, further study about the campaign and its efficiency should be conducted to prove the assumptions. Abstrak: Penghilangan sistem presidential threshold (ambang batas) di satu sisi telah berdampak positif untuk perkembangan demokrasi Indonesia. Sistem ini dapat memulihkan hak-hak dasar warga dalam konstitusi (remedy of constitutional rights) yang pernah dilukai dengan adanya presidential threshold. Banyaknya manfaat yang akan didapat oleh partai-partai bukan mayoritas agar bisa mengusulkan calon presidennya masing-masing, dan juga membuat pilihan presiden pun makin beragam. Dengan adanya PT akan lebih mempermudah presiden untuk melaksanakan tugas pemerintahan, disebabkan tidak terjadinya intervensi partai lainnya yang dominan dalam parlemen. Namun demikian kelemahan dari penghapusan PT juga patut untuk dipertimbangkan, seperti rentannya kepentingan individu yang bisa diperoleh melalui pencalonan presiden. Dari aspek keamanan nasional akan berakibat pada perluasan eskalasi konflik dan tindak pidana pemilu disebabkan banyaknya kandidat. Dari segi efisiensi, alokasi anggaran pemilu akan semakin membengkak (high cost election). Setidaknya alokasi dana pemilu dapat di salurkan ke bidang-bidang yang dapat meningkat kesejahteraan rakyat lainnya. Akan tetapi asumsi ini perlu dibuktikan lebih lanjut dengan riset mendalam tentang efisiensi dana kampanye. Kata Kunci: presidential threshold, remedy of constitutional rights, high cost election
CONSTITUTIONAL PRACTICE OF ASEAN COUNTRIES: QUESTIONING JUDICIAL REVIEW, RELIGIONS AND MINORITY ISSUES Muhammad Siddiq Armia
PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH Vol 7 No 1 (2022)
Publisher : LKKI Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (2830.876 KB) | DOI: 10.22373/petita.v5i2.105

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ASEAN countries vary in culture and ethnicity, and these differences affect the way states are run. In respecting the spirit of democracy and also part of constitutional practice, those countries have frequently amended their constitutions. ASEAN countries have adopted numerous models of constitutional practice from the post-colonial era. The need to re-examine and re-evaluate existing rules to make them relevant to common and indigenous models and value systems has led to a consistent renewal and review of existing models. Looking the systems ASEAN countries have utilized when implementing their constitutions, there are three models of constitutional practice: the Westminster Model, Socialist Model, and Mixed Model. Abstrak: Negara-negara ASEAN memiliki budaya dan keragaman etnis yang mempengaruhi cara bernegara. Negara-negara di kawasan ini memiliki konstitusi yang energik dan bergerak menyesuaikan waktu. Dalam menghormati semangat demokrasi dan praktik ketatanegaraan, negara-negara di ASEAN acapkali melakukan amandemen konstitusi. Negara-negara ASEAN telah memiliki banyak model praktik ketatanegaraan yang diadopsi dari era penjajahan. Sekarang, negara-negara di ASEAN telah melakukan pembaruan yang konsisten, dengan mengevaluasi kembali aturan yang ada untuk menjadikannya relevan dengan model dan sistem nilai yang berlaku umum. Melihat sistem negara-negara ASEAN yang menerapkan konstitusinya, dapat disimpulkan ada tiga model praktik ketatanegaraan yang terjadi di ASEAN; pertama adalah Model Westminster, Model Sosialis, dan Model Campuran. Ketiga model ini mempengaruhi cara pengujian undang-undang, penanganan isu-isu agama dan minoritas.Kata Kunci: Konstitusi ASEAN, Judicial Review, Isu Agama dan Minoritas
INTRODUCTION Muhammad Siddiq Armia; Muhammad Syauqi Bin-Armia
PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH Vol 5 No 2 (2020)
Publisher : LKKI Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22373/petita.v5i2.126

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INTRODUCTION Muhammad Siddiq Armia; Muhammad Syauqi Bin-Armia
PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH Vol 5 No 1 (2020)
Publisher : LKKI Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22373/petita.v5i1.127

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INTRODUCTION Muhammad Siddiq Armia; Muhammad Syauqi Bin-Armia
PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH Vol 6 No 1 (2021)
Publisher : LKKI Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22373/petita.v6i1.131

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INTRODUCTION Muhammad Siddiq Armia; Muhammad Syauqi Bin-Armia
PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH Vol 6 No 2 (2021)
Publisher : LKKI Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22373/petita.v6i2.132

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INTRODUCTION Muhammad Siddiq Armia; Muhammad Syauqi Bin-Armia
PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH Vol 7 No 1 (2022)
Publisher : LKKI Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22373/petita.v7i1.143

Abstract