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<![CDATA[Artikel Kehormatan: Konstitusionalitas Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemerintah Daerah ]]>
<![CDATA[Perwira, Indra]]>
<![CDATA[ PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) Vol 2, No 3 (2015): PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Law, Padjadjaran University ]]>
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<![CDATA[AbstrakUndang-Undang Pemerintahan Daerah yang baru merupakan salah satu Undang-Undang prioritas dalam Program Legislasi Nasional bersama dengan Rancangan Undang-Undang Desa dan Rancangan Undang-Undang Pemilihan Kepala Daerah, menggantikan Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004. Kedudukannya sebagai undang-undang pelaksana perintah Pasal 18 Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, tampak inkonsisten dengan paradigma desentralisasi. Tulisan ini menilai konstitusionalitas landasan pengaturan dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemerintahan Daerah dengan susdut pandang konstitusionalitas dan desentralisasi dalam arti sempit. Hasilnya, dapat ditunjukkan bahwa gagasan atau konsep yang mendasari kebijakan otonomi daerah dalam undang-undang tidak konstitusional atau tidak selaras dengan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945. Letak inkonstitusionalitas ada pada pertentangannya dengan Pasal 18, yang berjiwa desentralisasi dengan asas otonomi seluas-luasnya. Alih-alih melaksanakan Pasal 18, paradigma yang digunakan dalam Undang-Undang Pemerintahan Daerah yang baru ini berbasis sentralistis dari Pasal 4. Jika hendak disepakati pilihan kebijakan yang demikian, maka Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 perlu diubah dengan susbtansi bahwa perintah untuk membentuk Undang-Undang Pemerintahan Daerah (atau diubah menjadi Pemerintahan di Daerah) ada pada Pasal 4, bukan Pasal 18.Constitutionality of Law Number 23 of 2014 Concerning Local GovernmentAbstractThe new Law on Local Government is among the prioritized legislations within the National Legislation Program along with the Village Bill and Regional Election Bill, designed to replace/amend Law Number 32 of 2014. As an implemental legislation of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, this law seems inconsistent with the paradigm of decentralization. This article aims to review the constitutionality of the foundation of Law Number 23 of 2014 on Local Government by utilizing the perspective of constitutionality and decentralization in their narrow scope. The result shows that the principal concept of regional autonomy in the new law is unconstitutional or inconsistent with the 1945 Constitution. The unconstitutionality lies in its contradiction against the spirit of decentralization with the widest autonomy possible contained within Article 18. Instead of implementing Article 18, new regional law has the centralistic paradigm of Article 4. If the implementation of the law is to persist, the 1945 Constitution must be revised on its substance that the foundation of the Law concerning Local Government lies in Article 4, instead of Article 18. DOI: https://doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v2n3.a1]]>
<![CDATA[Refleksi Fenomena Judicialization of Politics pada Politik Hukum Pembentukan Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi ]]>
<![CDATA[Perwira, Indra]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 1 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.31078/jk1312
<![CDATA[This paper aims to introduce the phenomenon of judicialization of politics in the treasury of legal thought in Indonesia. In addition, this paper also aims to reflect the presence of judicialization of politics in the Constitutional Court, either through legal policy on establishment of constitutional court or through its decisions. Theoretically, the phenomenon of judicialization of politics began to be known at the beginning of the 21st century characterized by the dependence of society to the court to resolve the issues related to morality, public policy, and political controversies. The presence of judicialization of politics can be reflected from the shift in the political settlement of the case which was originally made through political mechanisms to the settlement through a judicial mechanism. To see the phenomenon, this paper will explore the legal policy on establishment of the Constitutional Court. Through a historical perspective on the establishment, this paper would like to indicate that, in nature, the Constitutional Court is a political institution. In addition, this paper also analyzes the Constitutional Court decision in the case of judicial review on “Perpu” of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the decision regarding the dispute Election East Java province in 2008, to show that the phenomenon of judicialization of politics has lived and practiced in the Constitutional Court as well.]]>
<![CDATA[NEGARA BANGSA POS-KOLONIAL SEBAGAI BASIS DALAM MENENTUKAN IDENTITAS KONSTITUSI INDONESIA: STUDI TERHADAP UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR 1945 ]]>
<![CDATA[Jhoner, Franko]]>;
<![CDATA[Perwira, Indra]]>;
<![CDATA[Harijanti, Susi Dwi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Bina Mulia Hukum Vol 2, No 2 (2018): Jurnal Bina Mulia Hukum ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Hukum Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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<![CDATA[ABSTRAKKonstitusi negara modern pada dasarnya adalah perwujudan dari gagasan dan cita-cita kebangsaan yang kemudian dimanifestasikan seiring dengan berdirinya suatu negara bangsa. Konstitusi suatu negara modern bukan hanya memuat prinsip-prinsip, norma-norma, aturan-aturan, dan susunan organisasi negara, akan tetapi juga mengandung identitas nasional yang terbentuk dari gagasan pendirian negara bangsa sehingga membedakannya dengan konstitusi negara lain. Artikel ini membahas negara bangsa pos-kolonial menjadi basis dalam menentukan identitas konstitusi Indonesia dan apa saja yang menjadi unsur-unsur pembentuk identitas konstitusi Indonesia dan bagaimanakah implikasi hukumnya terhadap ketatanegaraan Indonesia. Indonesia sebagai negara bangsa pos-kolonial memiliki identitas nasional berupa semangat dekolonisasi. Oleh karena itu, dalam pembentukan konstitusi suatu negara modern selalu muncul upaya mewujudkan sistem sendiri. Dalam suatu konstitusi, terdapat norma-norma yang bersifat sebagai identitas nasional dan fundamental yang menjadi inti dari konstitusi yaitu ‘identitas konstitusi‘. Identitas konstitusi harus dijaga dan dilindungi dari upaya perubahan. Kata kunci: konstitusi, negara bangsa, pos-kolonial, Undang-Undang Dasar 1945. ABSTRACTConstitution of a modern state basically is a manifestation of nations’ ideas and goals which is institutionalized pararel to forming of the state. Constitution of a modern state is not only consist of priciples, norms, regulations and organizational matters, but also consist of national identitiy which is formed from the ideas behind state formation itself. These are factors that make constitutions difrent one another. Indonesia as post-colonial nation state has its national identity in a form of decolonialization spirit. Therefore, there is always effort to make unique system in the forming process of a constitution. A constitution has a fundamental national identitiy which becomes the core of the constitution; this is known as ‘constitutional identity’. The constitutional identity must be guarded and protected from changing process. Keywords: constitution, nation state, post-colonial, 1945 Constitution.DOI : https://doi.org/10.23920/jbmh.v2n2.11 ]]>
<![CDATA[Refleksi Fenomena Judicialization of Politics pada Politik Hukum Pembentukan Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi ]]>
<![CDATA[Perwira, Indra]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 1 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.31078/jk1312
<![CDATA[This paper aims to introduce the phenomenon of judicialization of politics in the treasury of legal thought in Indonesia. In addition, this paper also aims to reflect the presence of judicialization of politics in the Constitutional Court, either through legal policy on establishment of constitutional court or through its decisions. Theoretically, the phenomenon of judicialization of politics began to be known at the beginning of the 21st century characterized by the dependence of society to the court to resolve the issues related to morality, public policy, and political controversies. The presence of judicialization of politics can be reflected from the shift in the political settlement of the case which was originally made through political mechanisms to the settlement through a judicial mechanism. To see the phenomenon, this paper will explore the legal policy on establishment of the Constitutional Court. Through a historical perspective on the establishment, this paper would like to indicate that, in nature, the Constitutional Court is a political institution. In addition, this paper also analyzes the Constitutional Court decision in the case of judicial review on “Perpu†of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the decision regarding the dispute Election East Java province in 2008, to show that the phenomenon of judicialization of politics has lived and practiced in the Constitutional Court as well.]]>
<![CDATA[Refleksi Fenomena Judicialization of Politics pada Politik Hukum Pembentukan Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi ]]>
<![CDATA[Indra Perwira]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 1 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.31078/jk1312
<![CDATA[This paper aims to introduce the phenomenon of judicialization of politics in the treasury of legal thought in Indonesia. In addition, this paper also aims to reflect the presence of judicialization of politics in the Constitutional Court, either through legal policy on establishment of constitutional court or through its decisions. Theoretically, the phenomenon of judicialization of politics began to be known at the beginning of the 21st century characterized by the dependence of society to the court to resolve the issues related to morality, public policy, and political controversies. The presence of judicialization of politics can be reflected from the shift in the political settlement of the case which was originally made through political mechanisms to the settlement through a judicial mechanism. To see the phenomenon, this paper will explore the legal policy on establishment of the Constitutional Court. Through a historical perspective on the establishment, this paper would like to indicate that, in nature, the Constitutional Court is a political institution. In addition, this paper also analyzes the Constitutional Court decision in the case of judicial review on “Perpu” of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the decision regarding the dispute Election East Java province in 2008, to show that the phenomenon of judicialization of politics has lived and practiced in the Constitutional Court as well.]]>
<![CDATA[POLITIK HUKUM DI BIDANG KESEHATAN DALAM HUBUNGANNYA DENGAN PENGADAAN BARANG DAN JASA PEMERINTAH DI BIDANG KESEHATAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Taty Sugiati]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Perwira]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL LITIGASI (e-Journal) Vol 18 No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Hukum Universitas Pasundan ]]>
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DOI: 10.23969/litigasi.v18i1.285
<![CDATA[[Legal Politics In Health Area Linked With The Procurement Of Goods And Government’s Services In The Health Field] One of the state objectives is the realization of public welfare. Health as an element of public welfare. To realize welfare in respect of health, the government organizes development of health facilities at both central and regional levels by way of state goods/services procurement in the field of health. The issue encountered is what the government should do to improve the community health services in relation to the State Goods and Services Procurement in the Health Area. This research is juridical normative. It also employs a descriptive-analytical approach. The state goods and services procurement in the field of health has special characteristics, viz. it is often confronted with an abnormal condition that requires a prompt response in order for health services to be delivered, including medical equipment, medicines and even for the sake of saving human lives. To cope with such a condition, direct appointment becomes the only option to meet the requirements in the health area. Under such a circumstance, it is often the case that the official in charge of health goods and services procurement deviates from the prevailing norms and procedures and, instead, puts emphasis on saving human lives. However, the decision to perform direct appointment in the procurement of health goods / services often ends up in criminal charges, which eventually affects the health services. Keywords: Development in the field of health, procurement of goods.]]>
<![CDATA[Problem Pemberian Amnesti oleh Presiden Dalam Perspektif Kepentingan Negara ]]>
<![CDATA[Rizky Malinto Ramadani]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Perwira]]>;
<![CDATA[Bilal Dewansyah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Universitas Batanghari Jambi Vol 21, No 3 (2021): Oktober ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Batanghari Jambi ]]>
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DOI: 10.33087/jiubj.v21i3.1688
<![CDATA[Article 14 Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution determines that the President grants amnesty and abolition by taking into account the considerations of the House of Representatives. in the provisions of Article (1) of the Emergency Law no. 11 of 1954 concerning Amnesty and Abolition states that "The President, in the interest of the state, can grant amnesty and abolition to people who have committed a criminal act. The President granted this amnesty and abolition after obtaining written advice from the Supreme Court which conveyed the advice at the request of the Minister of Justice.” The issue related to amnesty is that there is no more detailed clarity regarding the criteria for granting amnesty for the benefit of this country, whether the granting of amnesty is only intended for politically charged cases or can also be given for general criminal acts, especially in history, amnesties have been granted only for political crimes. The identification of the problems in this study are: First, the extent to which the granting of amnesty in Indonesia is in accordance with the criteria of the state's interest. The method used by researchers in this study is normative juridical. The results of this study indicate that the most important criterion of the existence of the state's interest is the stability of the state administration system and the guarantee of rights for citizens. The ideal conditions that need to be regulated in amnesty are: Amnesty restrictions are not granted for extraordinary crimes; not allowed to impeach the President. As for the ideal procedure, apart from referring to the 1945 Constitution and the Regulation of the Minister of State Secretary, the granting of amnesty must also ask for consideration from the Supreme Court, so that the granting of amnesty is not only seen for political interests, but also for the interests of the state.]]>
<![CDATA[Redesign of Constitutional Ethics For State Administrator Based on The Value of Pancasila ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhtadi Muhtadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Perwira]]>
<![CDATA[ Fiat Justisia: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Vol 12 No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.25041/fiatjustisia.v12no2.940
<![CDATA[A constitution is a collective agreement as the foundation and goal to be achieved in the state. Therefore, the constitution not only regulates the fundamental rules of the state but also contains the ethical values that serve as the guiding of the state administrator. However, the spreading of violations of law such as corruption, abuse of authority that ends in the imposition of sanctions justifies the occurrence of incompatibility between the values of the constitutional principle as a reflection of the soul of the nation with the moral obligation of state administrator to implement the values. Using a doctrinal approach, data will be analyzed through the original intent of interpretation, grammatical and systematic law is expected to formulate a new model of constitutional ethics for state administrator based on the value of “Pancasila.” Based on the study of moral and constitutional philosophy with the law interpretation method can be concluded that the ethical values in the 1945 Constitution requires that state administrator base their deeds on the moral deity who respects the values of human civilization as Indonesian citizens, and humans in general with the priority of Indonesian unity above all interests and classes in order to achieve the ideals of social justice based on a deliberate-oriented on the great goal of Indonesian independence. To achieve this intention, the formation of ethical standards of the administrator in the constitutional norms through the amendment of the 1945 Constitution which then set a further law which is general and contains normative sanctions. Keywords: Redesign, Constitutional Ethics, State Administrator]]>
<![CDATA[Prospek Relasi Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Dengan Partai Politik ]]>
<![CDATA[Bagir Manan]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Perwira]]>;
<![CDATA[Mei Susanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hukum IUS QUIA IUSTUM Vol. 28 No. 2: MEI 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.20885/iustum.vol28.iss2.art1
<![CDATA[This article analyzes the relationship between the Regional Representative Council (DPD) and political parties that are often confronted diametrically. The questions presented, what is the historical factor for the formation of the DPD and the comparison of the practices of several countries in relation to regional representative bodies and political parties? What are the prospects for the relationship between the DPD and political parties in the future? This article aims to provide a different perspective on the relationship between the DPD and political parties from the historical, comparative and conception point of regional representation bodies. Through the socio-legal method, it was concluded that, first, historically the formation of the DPD was designed to be filled by individuals, not political parties. However, the practice of some countries shows that regional representative bodies generally cannot be separated from political parties. The lesson is that separating the DPD and political parties "strictly" can be said to always be violated because it is not in accordance with the natural conditions of filling the DPD directly by the people, who are influenced by the strength of the network and political parties. Second, whether or not there are political party affiliations in the DPD will not have a significant impact due to the limited authority of the DPD, so what is needed is the granting of significant DPD authority in the legislative process and supervision through the bicameral model. Thus, the prospect of the relationship between the DPD and political parties in the future can contribute to each other according to the DPD's already significant authority while still providing space for individuals]]>
<![CDATA[Artikel Kehormatan: Konstitusionalitas Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemerintah Daerah ]]>
<![CDATA[Indra Perwira]]>
<![CDATA[ PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) Vol 2, No 3 (2015): PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Law, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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<![CDATA[AbstrakUndang-Undang Pemerintahan Daerah yang baru merupakan salah satu Undang-Undang prioritas dalam Program Legislasi Nasional bersama dengan Rancangan Undang-Undang Desa dan Rancangan Undang-Undang Pemilihan Kepala Daerah, menggantikan Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004. Kedudukannya sebagai undang-undang pelaksana perintah Pasal 18 Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, tampak inkonsisten dengan paradigma desentralisasi. Tulisan ini menilai konstitusionalitas landasan pengaturan dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemerintahan Daerah dengan susdut pandang konstitusionalitas dan desentralisasi dalam arti sempit. Hasilnya, dapat ditunjukkan bahwa gagasan atau konsep yang mendasari kebijakan otonomi daerah dalam undang-undang tidak konstitusional atau tidak selaras dengan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945. Letak inkonstitusionalitas ada pada pertentangannya dengan Pasal 18, yang berjiwa desentralisasi dengan asas otonomi seluas-luasnya. Alih-alih melaksanakan Pasal 18, paradigma yang digunakan dalam Undang-Undang Pemerintahan Daerah yang baru ini berbasis sentralistis dari Pasal 4. Jika hendak disepakati pilihan kebijakan yang demikian, maka Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 perlu diubah dengan susbtansi bahwa perintah untuk membentuk Undang-Undang Pemerintahan Daerah (atau diubah menjadi Pemerintahan di Daerah) ada pada Pasal 4, bukan Pasal 18.Constitutionality of Law Number 23 of 2014 Concerning Local GovernmentAbstractThe new Law on Local Government is among the prioritized legislations within the National Legislation Program along with the Village Bill and Regional Election Bill, designed to replace/amend Law Number 32 of 2014. As an implemental legislation of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, this law seems inconsistent with the paradigm of decentralization. This article aims to review the constitutionality of the foundation of Law Number 23 of 2014 on Local Government by utilizing the perspective of constitutionality and decentralization in their narrow scope. The result shows that the principal concept of regional autonomy in the new law is unconstitutional or inconsistent with the 1945 Constitution. The unconstitutionality lies in its contradiction against the spirit of 'decentralization with the widest autonomy possible' contained within Article 18. Instead of implementing Article 18, new regional law has the centralistic paradigm of Article 4. If the implementation of the law is to persist, the 1945 Constitution must be revised on its substance that the foundation of the Law concerning Local Government lies in Article 4, instead of Article 18. DOI: https://doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v2n3.a1]]>
