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All Journal Pena Justisia: Media Komunikasi dan Kajian Hukum Al-Adalah: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Islam Jurnal Al-Dustur JURIS (Jurnal Ilmiah Syariah) Al-Bayyinah Constitutional Law Review
Amir, Irfan
Institut Agama Islam Negeri Bone
Religion Arts Humanities Environmental Science Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences

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Deparpolisasi Keanggotaan Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (Tela'ah Atas Hasrat Partai Politik Dalam Mengokupasi DPD) Kiki Wulandari; Putri Apriani; Zulkifly Zulkifly; Irfan Amir
Al-Adalah: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Islam Vol 5, No 1 (2020)
Publisher : Program Studi Hukum Tata Negara, Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Islam IAIN Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35673/ajmpi.v5i1.510

Abstract

The beginning of filling the first period of DPD seats (2004-2009) required that the candidate for the DPD members were not an administrator of political parties within a minimum period of four years that calculated until the date of nominating candidates. However, along with the political power struggling in parliament, this requirement then removed in the requirements for the next period of DPD membership. The implication, after being elected as DPD members, the senators forget about their constituent and choose to join certain political parties, the impact of the DPD that they were not focus anymore to fight for the local aspirations of their region, in otherwise they tend to fight for the interests of their political groups/parties. To understand and examine above the problem, the authors conducted normative legal research, with two research approaches namely the statute approach and the conceptual approach. The results showed that the constitutionality of the nomination of DPD members from political parties is the desire of political parties to occupy the DPD which is it cannot be justified, with the following arguments; (i) deny the Original Intent of DPD formation, (ii) The concept of bicameralism requires that there are differences in ingredients between the DPR and DPD so that there is no double representation.
PROBLEMATIKA GAGASAN LARANGAN MANTAN NAPI KORUPSI MENJADI CALON ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF Jumriani Nawawi; Irfan Amir; Muljan Muljan
Al-Adalah: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Islam Vol 3, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : Program Studi Hukum Tata Negara, Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Islam IAIN Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35673/ajmpi.v3i2.196

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui problematika larangan mantan napi korupsi menjadi calon anggota legislatif yang diusulkan oleh Komisi Pemilihan Umum dalam rancangan peraturan KPU. Tipe penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif. Penelitian dilakukan secara kualitatif dengan bertumpu pada studi kepustakaan (library research).Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa gagasan larangan mantan napi korupsi menjadi calon anggota legislatif pada pemilu serentak 2019 di inisitifkan oleh para komisoner KPU yang memandang bahwa mantan napi korupsi tidak layak menduduki jabatan publik atau jabatan kenegeraan. Namun, walaupun niatan KPU ini baik dari segi moral dan etika ketatanegaraan tetapi pembatasan hak politik seseorang harusnya dibatasi dan diatur dalam UU ataupun berdasarkan putusan hakim, bukan dalam PKPU apalagi dalam UU No. 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilu membolehkan mantan napi korupsi ikut menjadi calon anggota legislatif dengan pengecualian mengumumkan ke publik bahwa dirinya dalah mantan terpidana korupsi.
KONSTITUSIONALITAS HAK ANGKET DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT (DPR) TERHADAP KOMISI PEMBERANTASAN KORUPSI (KPK) Ismail Aris; Irfan Amir; Septian Amrianto
Al-Adalah: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Islam Vol 4, No 2 (2019)
Publisher : Program Studi Hukum Tata Negara, Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Islam IAIN Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35673/ajmpi.v4i2.436

Abstract

The development of the state institutional theory requires that it no longer seals every State institution only to depend on 3 (three) branches of power as the teaching of the new separation of power theory. On the other hand, the decision of the Constitutional Court and the Revision of the KPK Law are placed as executive institutions. So it is debated whether the KPK is a subject that can be rounded up, because it is an executive institution or the KPK cannot be made a subject of questionnaire rights because of its position as an independent agency agency? This study aims to determine and analyze the authority of the DPR's questionnaire rights to the KPK and the constitutionality of the DPR's Questionnaire Rights to the KPK Perspectives on the revision of the KPK Law and Comparison in Various Countries. This type of research is the type of normative legal research. The approach used is the legislation approach and comparative law (comparison approach), the philosophical approach to the law (philosophical approach).The results of the study showed that the constitutionality of the DPR questionnaire rights was based on the original intent of the questionnaire right norm in a comprehensive draft amendment to the Basic Law, the questionnaire right was only aimed at state institutions of the executive family. In addition, Constitutional Court Decision No. 36-40 / PUU-XV / 2017, which categorizes the Corruption Eradication Commission as a group of executive institutions is in conflict with other Constitutional Court decisions, namely Decision of the Constitutional Court Number 012-016-019 / PUU-IV / 2006, 19 / PUU-V / 2007, 37-39 / PUU-VIII / 2010. 5 / PUU-IX / 2011, places the KPK as an independent agency and is categorized as faste jurisprudence (permanent jurisprudence). In addition, theoretically, the teaching of the new theory of separation of power teaches that it is no longer appropriate to place State institutions based only on 3 (three) branches of power. While the constitutionality of the DPR's questionnaire rights to the KPK Perspective of the revision of the KPK Law and Comparison in Various Countries is based on the results of research by researchers that the KPK's position in various countries is independent or dependent. For example, in South Africa, Zimbabwe, Egypt and Thailand. Likewise with the subject of state institutions that can be researched, there are no countries that address the right of questionnaires to these independent institutions. For example, the United States of America, Philippines, South Africa, all of whom address the questioning right of inquiry only as an executive state institution.
JURIDICAL ANALYSIS OF IMPLEMENTING THE PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD IN THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF INDONESIA Mubarik Rahmayanti; Irfan Amir
Jurnal Al-Dustur Vol 4, No 1 (2021)
Publisher : IAIN Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30863/jad.v4i1.1477

Abstract

Since issuing the Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013, the general election design must be carried out simultaneously between the election of legislative members and the election of the President and Vice President (Pilpres). Article 6A Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution mandates that pairs of candidates for President and Vice-President are proposed by political parties or coalitions of political parties taking part in the general election prior to implementing the general election. Accordingly, in order to strengthen the presidential system, pairs of candidates proposed in the presidential election are required to meet the "presidential threshold," which essentially limits the rights of political parties in proposing presidential and vice-presidential candidates. This study analyzes the relevance of presidential threshold requirements elections simultaneously. The research method used is normative juridical, using an approach to the application of laws and an analytical approach. This study shows that the application of the presidential threshold that must be met by political parties or a combination of political parties in carrying out the presidential and vice-presidential candidate pairs in the simultaneous general election is less relevant and limits the rights of political parties. In addition, the political party that wins the majority vote has strong dominance to pressure other parties in determining the candidate. Although it does not have high dominance, it still has substantial authority to nominate it.
Keabsahan Pengangkatan Pejabat Kepala Daerah Akibat Penundaan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Nur Faisyah; Sudarsono Sudarsono; Shinta Hadiyantina; Irfan Amir
Al-Adalah: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Islam Vol 8, No 1 (2023)
Publisher : Program Studi Hukum Tata Negara, Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Islam IAIN Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30863/ajmpi.v1i1.3568

Abstract

This study aims to analyze the validity of the designation of acting regional heads as an implication of the postponement of the 2022 and 2023 regional elections. This research is normative, with a statutory and analytical approach. The primary legal material is Law Number 10 of 2016 concerning  Regional Head Elections. Secondary legal materials are articles, books, and research findings gathered through normative research and analyzed using a research methodology. The results showed that the implication of postponing the 2022 and 2023 regional elections caused a vacancy in the position of the regional head, which had implications for the appointment of the TNI/Polri as acting regional head, which deviated from the state rule of law. Based on the decision of the Constitutional Court, the TNI/ Polri can occupy civilian positions if they retire or resign from active service and have gone through the process openly and competitively. Meanwhile, the mechanism for appointing acting regional heads from the TNI/ Polri who are still active has been contrary to the principle of the procedure for the validity of the actions of government officials. So that the government needs to immediately issue a government regulation related to the mechanism for appointing acting regional heads due to the postponement of technical regional elections so that the appointment can have a basis in the selection mechanism and qualification of acting regional heads democraticallyThis study aims to analyze the validity of the designation of acting regional heads as an implication of the postponement of the 2022 and 2023 regional elections. This research is normative, with a statutory and analytical approach. The primary legal material is Law Number 10 of 2016 concerning  Regional Head Elections. Secondary legal materials are articles, books, and research findings gathered through normative research and analyzed using a research methodology. The results showed that the implication of postponing the 2022 and 2023 regional elections caused a vacancy in the position of the regional head, which had implications for the appointment of the TNI/Polri as acting regional head, which deviated from the state rule of law. Based on the decision of the Constitutional Court, the TNI/ Polri can occupy civilian positions if they retire or resign from active service and have gone through the process openly and competitively. Meanwhile, the mechanism for appointing acting regional heads from the TNI/ Polri who are still active has been contrary to the principle of the procedure for the validity of the actions of government officials. So that the government needs to immediately issue a government regulation related to the mechanism for appointing acting regional heads due to the postponement of technical regional elections so that the appointment can have a basis in the selection mechanism and qualification of acting regional heads democratically.This is an open access article under the CC–BY-SA 4.0 license.    
AN ANALYSIS OF JOKOWI’S POLICY IN REFUSING THE RETURN OF FORMER ISIS FOREIGN TERRORIST FIGHTERS INDONESIAN CITIZENS Irfan Amir
Al-Bayyinah Vol 4, No 1 (2020)
Publisher : Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Islam Institut Agama Islam Negeri Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35673/al-bayyinah.v4i1.806

Abstract

Industry 4.0 which is supported by the concept of the internet of think has influenced the pattern of indoctrination of radical-terrorism groups. Based on the results of the study, after the declaration until the collapse of the Islamic State of Iran and Syria (ISIS) there were at least 689 foreign terrorist fighters who came from Indonesia and hoped to be repatriated to the country. However, because of security considerations, President Joko Widodo firmly refused. To address this issue, the author conducts normative-empirical legal research using library research methods. The results showed that Indonesian citizens involved in organized international crimes such as ISIS can be banned from returning to Indonesia on a legal basis using Article 98 Paragraph 1 of Law No. 6 of 2011 concerning Immigration and Article 263 Paragraph 2 letter (a) Government Regulation No. 21 of 2013 concerning Regulations for Implementing the Immigration Law. Besides, terrorist sleep cells of ISIS in the country can at any time carry out suicide bomb attacks as a signal given by their group. As an ideological network, these terrorism sleep cells are clandestine and begin to involve women and children as suicide bombers.Keywords: Foreign Terrorist Fighter; Terrorism; ISIS.
Constitutionality of Wiretapping by KPK in Optimization of Red-Handed Catch Operations Irfan Amir
Al-Bayyinah Vol 6, No 1 (2022): Al-Bayyinah
Publisher : Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Islam Institut Agama Islam Negeri Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35673/al-bayyinah.v6i1.2625

Abstract

Corruption is usually carried out in congregation and involves state administrators and/or law enforcement officers. This situation makes the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) often carry out Red-Handed Catch Operations/Operasi Tangkap Tangan (OTT). From these operations, the act of wiretapping has a very vital role in the success of OTT. However, KPK's steps in conducting wiretapping are sometimes disputed by various parties on the grounds that wiretapping has the potential to be misused by certain elements within KPK which can threaten a person's right to privacy and violate human rights. By relying on library research, this research is normative juridical research using qualitative descriptive data analysis techniques. The results of the study show that wiretapping is prohibited by law on the grounds of violating a person's right to privacy, but for the sake of law enforcement and eradication of corruption, wiretapping conducted by KPK is constitutional and does not conflict with Article 28D Paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Privacy is not classified as a non-derogable right, KPK wiretapping is still limited and only aimed at someone who is indicated to have committed corruption.
Disqualification of the Candidate Pair for the Elected Regional Head of Sabu Raijua Regency Irfan Amir
Al-Bayyinah Vol 5, No 2 (2021): Al-Bayyinah
Publisher : Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Islam Institut Agama Islam Negeri Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35673/al-bayyinah.v5i2.1830

Abstract

The dispute over the results of the regional head election of Sabu Raijua Regency which is legally formal has passed the deadline for submitting a dispute request (expired). Through the Constitutional Court Decision No. 135/PHP.BUP-XIX/2021, cancels KPU's decision regarding the determination of the elected pairs of candidates for Regent and Deputy Regent and orders a re-election and disqualification of the elected candidate pair. This research is normative juridical research (doctrinal law research) using a statutory approach and a case approach. The data obtained were analyzed and presented descriptively analytically. The finding in this study indicates that, the basis for the consideration of the Constitutional Court in ordering a re-election and disqualifying the chosen pair chosen by the people of Sabu Raijua Regency, is based on the legal fact that the violation of the principle of 'honest' from the Orient Patriot Riwu Kore pair who from the beginning of the registration stage the prospective candidate pair hides the United States citizenship status he holds, which if this foreign citizenship status is known from the beginning, then administratively does not qualify as a candidate pair. In addition, the election dispute for Sabu Raijua Regency is specific and casuistic which creates a legal need and vacuum, and if it is not acted upon, in principle it has violated the exclusive rights of citizens in government guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution.
Affirmative Action Terhadap Perempuan dalam Bidang Politik; Sebuah Tinjauan di Negara Hukum Pancasila Ayu Annisa Akmaliyah; Irfan Amir; Ismail Keri; Rosita Rosita
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Publisher : IAIN Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30863/clr.v1i2.3972

Abstract

Penelitian ini menganalisis terkait kebijakan affirmative action terhadap perempuan dalam bidang politik. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk memahami konsep dan urgensi terkait affirmative action terhadap perempuan di Indonesia.Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif dengan menggunakan metode pendekatan perundang-undangan dan konseptual. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa tindakan affirmative action di Indonesia dimulai pasca ratifikasi konvensi CEDAW yang menuntut untuk dibuatkannya peraturan perundang-undangan terkait penghapusan deskriminasi terhadap perempuan. Implikasinya, khususnya dalam bidang politik, affirmative action diakomodir dalam Undang-Undang Pemilu dan Partai Politik yang mengatur kuota 30% keterlibatan perempuan dan menegaskan penerapan zipper system dalam pemilu 2009. Namun dalam perkembangannya, zipper system diputus inkonstitusional oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi karena melanggar hak konstitusional warga dan menetapkan keterpilihan calon anggota legislatif didasarkan pada suara terbanyak.
Analisis Yuridis Empiris Pencatatan Nikah Siri Pasangan Di Bawah Umur A. Rahmaniar; Irfan Amir; Ismail Keri; Ilmiyati Ilmiyati; Asni Zubair; Rosita Rosita
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Publisher : IAIN Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30863/clr.v1i2.3995

Abstract

Secara yuridis normatif, perkawinan dibawah umur dilarang. Perkawinan yang diizinkan oleh negara adalah bagi mereka pasangan calon yang telah memenuhi syarat usia minimal 19 tahun. Akan tetapi, negara tetap membuka peluang terjadinya perkawinan dibawah umur, yakni melalui pengajuan dispensasi kawin pengadilan dengan syarat “alasan mendesak”.  Akan tetapi, fakta empris di Kecamatan Cenrana, masih terdapat temuan kasus dimana pasangan calon yang menikah tergolong dalam klasifikasi perkawinan dibawah umur dan dilangsungkan secara siri/dibawah tangan tanpa melibatkan KUA. Pasangan calon yang menikah dibawah umur dan dilangsungkan secara siri pada dasarnya telah menyampaikan ke KUA untuk dicatatkan perkawinannya, namun ditolak oleh KUA dengan alasan belum cukup umur. Pasangan ini, jika tetap akan melangsungkan perkawinan, agar sah menurut agama dan diakui oleh negara, KUA memberikan nasihat dan mengarahkan untuk terlebih dahulu mengajukan dispensasi kawin di pengadilan agama. Namun, jarak tempuh antara Kec. Cenrana dengan Pengadilan cukup jauh dan didukung oleh persepsi masyakat yang memandang pengurusan dispensasi kawin di pengadilan ribet dan berbelit-belit, Keluarga kedua mempelai beserta pasangan calon, lebih memilih untuk melangsungkan perkawinan secara siri dan menunda penerbitan buku nikah
Co-Authors A Sartika G A. Rahmaniar Asni Zubair Ayu Annisa Akmaliyah Corputty, Patrick Hamzah Hamzah Hutabarat, Feby Amalia ilmiyati Ilmiyati Ilmiyati Ilmiyati Ismail Aris Ismail keri Jumriani Nawawi Kiki Wulandari Mubarik Rahmayanti Muhammad Fazlurrahman Syarif Muljan Muljan Nur Faisyah Putri Apriani Rosita Rosita Satriadi Satriadi Sembiring, Adventi Ferawati Septian Amrianto Shinta Hadiyantina Sudarsono Sudarsono Sugeng, Santoso Sultan Hasanuddin Sultan Hasanuddin Tarmizi Zakiyah, Ninik Zulkifly Zulkifly