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All Journal STUDIA ISLAMIKA Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Keguruan dan Ilmu Pendidikan Jurnal Dakwah Risalah Jurnal Adabiyah Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Episteme: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Religious: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama dan Lintas Budaya Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun AL-MURABBI: Jurnal Studi Kependidikan dan Keislaman JPPUMA: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik Universitas Medan Area Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Aqlam: Journal of Islam and Plurality Dialogia: Jurnal Studi Islam dan Sosial Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat MEMBANGUN NEGERI Budapest International Research and Critics Institute-Journal (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences Fikrah: Jurnal Ilmu Aqidah dan Studi Keagamaan Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman
Hidayati, Mega
Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
Religion Arts Humanities Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences Other

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The Ambivalence of State Policies in Recognizing Local Religions within Indonesia’s Religious Pluralistic Society Hasse Jubba; Zuly Qodir; Salmy Edawati Yaacob; Mega Hidayati; Asriaty Asriaty; Rendy Adiwilaga
Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun Vol. 14 No. 3 (2026): Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun
Publisher : SCAD Independent

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26811/peuradeun.v14i3.2806

Abstract

This article analyzed the ambivalence of Indonesia’s state policies in recognizing local religions within a constitutionally pluralistic society. Although the constitution guarantees freedom of religion and belief, the practical implementation of related regulations reveals inconsistencies that marginalize adherents of local religions. Using a descriptive qualitative approach, this study mapped three forms of policy ambivalence, i.e., constitutional recognition versus administrative restriction, progressive regulation versus conservative bureaucracy, and diversity protection versus uniformity control. Data were collected through observations, interviews with adherents of local religions, and extensive analysis of legal documents and media reports. The findings demonstrated that normative recognition was weakened by bureaucratic practices that limit access to civil rights, education, ritual space, and public services. These inconsistencies placed local religious groups in a position of being “recognized yet constrained,” producing systemic discrimination through administrative categorization, supervisory mechanisms, and public order narratives. The article contributes to socio-legal scholarship by proposing a dialectical framework of “protection versus control” to explain how rights are negotiated within the legal-pluralistic context of Indonesia. It argues that substantive equality requires coherence in policy, accountable implementation, and strengthened bureaucratic capacity to ensure that recognition does not become an instrument of exclusion. The study concludes by urging future multimethod research to capture the diverse experiences of local religious communities in navigating state regulatory ambivalence.
Revivalism of the Tarekat Naqsyabandiyah in Changing the Local Political Landscape of Rokan Hulu, Indonesia in Post-New Order Mega Hidayati; Tito Handoko
FIKRAH Vol 9, No 2 (2021): December 2021
Publisher : Prodi Aqidah dan Filsafat Islam, Fakultas Ushuluddin, Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kudus

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (395.807 KB) | DOI: 10.21043/fikrah.v9i2.10218

Abstract

Changes in Indonesia's socio-political require Islamic organizations to adapt to these changes, some of them have managed to survive and exist and died. Revivalism in Islam is a demand from the long history of Islam's journey, which has crossed the geographical and cross-cultural boundaries of Islamic society. The survival and death of the Islamic movement is highly dependent on the ability of Muslims adapts to the socio-political landscape, like the case of the Naqsyabandiyah Tarekat in Rokan Hulu-Riau, the existence of the movement survives because it is able to adapt to the socio-cultural system of the local community. This study shows there is an interaction between Islam and the culture of the community and influences each other.  The influence that occurs is sometimes positive and negative. The influence of Islam in the local socio-political landscape can be seen from the widespread use of Islamic symbols, as well as various local government policies that adopt Islamic values.
Muhammadiyah’s Moderation Stance in the 2019 General Election: Critical Views from Within Haedar Nashir; Zuly Qodir; Achmad Nurmandi; Hasse Jubba; Mega Hidayati
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol. 57 No. 1 (2019)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2019.571.1-24

Abstract

This study focuses on the way in which Muhammadiyah, one of Indonesia’s largest Islamic organizations, stood in the 2019 General Election. Like its counterpart Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah has marked the moderation of Islam in Indonesia, different from Islam elsewhere in the Middle East. Since its establishment, Muhammadiyah has urged its members not to join any specific political party, but rather to take a moderate position in political pragmatism and support patriotism in broader national interest. Likewise, in the 2019 election, Muhammadiyah did not organizationally support any candidates, citing its “middle way” approach. However, this study identifies a dualism in the political attitudes of Muhammadiyah’s elites. Even without official orders or prohibitions from the central leadership, some Muhammadiyah members got involved and carried their organization’s attributes to support certain candidates, resulting in political division within the organization. Some members of the organization took a clear political stance, whereas others remain neutral. This created tension within the organization in both elite and grass-root level. The main data for this study were collected through interviews, unstructured discussions, and focus group discussions with several Muhammadiyah elites.[Artikel ini melihat posisi yang diambil salah satu organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Muhammadiyah, dalam Pemilu 2019. Bersamaan dengan Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah menjadi penanda moderasi Islam di Indonesia yang berbeda dengan Islam di tempat lain. Sejak didirikan, Muhammadiyah telah menandaskan untuk tidak berafiliasi dengan partai politik tertentu, tetapi mengambil posisi moderat dalam perpolitikan dan mendukung patriotisme demi kepentingan nasional yang lebih luas. Demikian juga, dalam Pemilu 2019, Muhammadiyah secara resmi tidak mendukung calon mana pun berdasarkan konsep “jalan tengah”. Namun, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi adanya dualisme dalam sikap politik para elit Muhammadiyah. Tidak adanya perintah atau larangan resmi dari pusat, banyak anggota Muhammadiyah yang membawa atribut organisasi dan terlibat aktivitas politik serta mendukung kandidat tertentu. Ini berakibat munculnya keterbelahan politik dalam Muhammadiyah. Beberapa anggota mengambil sikap politik yang jelas, sedangkan yang lain tetap netral. Ini menimbulkan ketegangan dalam organisasi, baik di tingkat elit maupun akar rumput. Data utama untuk penelitian ini dikumpulkan melalui wawancara, diskusi tidak terstruktur, dan diskusi kelompok terfokus dengan beberapa elit Muhammadiyah.]
The Formalization of Sharia in Aceh to Discipline the Female Body Zuly Qodir; Hasse Jubba; Mega Hidayati; Dyah Mutiarin
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol. 60 No. 1 (2022)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2022.601.63-90

Abstract

The formalization of sharia (particularly regional regulations on sharia in Aceh) since 2001 up to 2019 had incorporated economic and political contents between local and national elites. Such condition was a result of local and national elite interests gaining political advantages wherein sharia was utilized as a tool by the elites to dominate civilians. Due to political interests, civilians became marginalized by sharia. The current article demonstrates that local and national political elites had used sharia for their political interests without considering the substantial purpose of sharia itself. Women, in particular, are disadvantaged by the various regulations (qanun) issued by wilayatul khisbah as the guardians of sharia in Aceh. The article also aims to show existing contradictions between the ideal aspirations of wilayatul khisbah and the actual practice of regional regulations pertaining to sharia on the ground, namely the involvement of political elites in advocating sharia, which has not made people become more religious but provoked them to resist in secret instead. Data in the article were acquired through literature study, field observations, and in-depth interviews with a number of informants[Formalisasi syariah Islam di Aceh melalui Peraturan Daerah (Qanun) sejak 2001 telah melibatkan kolaborasi ekonomi dan politik antara elit lokal dan nasional. Situasi tersebut menyebabkan kepentingan elit lokal dan nasional berebut keuntungan politis sebagai alat mendominasi warganya, sehingga menyebabkan kepentingan warga termarjinalisasi. Artikel ini membahas elit lokal dan nasional yang memanfaatkan syariat Islam untuk kepentingannya sendiri tanpa mempertimbangkan tujuan utamanya. Perempuan sering dirugikan oleh sejumlah aturan yang dikeluarkan oleh tim penegak syariat Islam (wilayatul khisbah). Artikel ini juga memperlihatkan kontradiksi antara  aspirasi ideal dan praktik di lapangan lembaga wilayatul khisbah yang mana keterlibatan elit politik dalam advokasi syariat Islam tidak mendorong lebih religius tetapi justru mendorong warga melawan diam-diam. Data artikel ini didapatkan dari studi literatur, observasi lapangan dan wawancara mendalam dengan sejumlah informan.]
Co-Authors Abdul Munir Mulkan Abdul Munir Mulkan Achmad Nurmandi Ahmad Sunawari Long Ali Muhammad Amirudin Yusuf Ardli Johan Kusuma, Ardli Johan Aris Fauzan Asriaty Asriaty Azhar, Muhammad Bambang Hariyanto Deni Setiawan Dyah Mutiarin Fajar Rahmanto Haedar Nashir Handoko, Tito Irwan Abdullah Jubba, Hasse M. Rafi M. Syamsurrijal Marsudi Imam Muhlis Madani, Muhlis Purnomo, Halim Rahmania Nader Wambes Ramlan Darmansyah Rendy Adiwilaga Ria Novianti Salmy Edawati Yaacob Sri Muryani Surwandono Surwandono Tito Handoko Tito Handoko Tito Handoko Tulus Warsito Vindhi Putri Pratiwi Wusono Indarto Zuly Qodir Zuly Qodir Zuly Qodir