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Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia
Published by Universitas Islam Indonesia
ISSN : -     EISSN : 30218586     DOI : -
Core Subject : Social,
Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice
Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia merupakan media publikasi karya ilmiah hasil seminar nasional yang mengkaji berbagai permasalahan terkini dalam bidang hukum pidana, hukum perdata, hukum internasional, hukum tata negara, dan hukum administrasi negara. Prosiding seminar nasional yang ditulis oleh penulis internal Fakultas Hukum UII maupun penulis eksternal tersebut diterbitkan sebanyak 6 (enam) kali dalam setahun yaitu Januari, Maret, Mei, Juli, September, dan November.
Arjuna Subject : Umum - Umum
Articles 368 Documents
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Lumpuhnya Pengawasan DPR dan Bangkitnya Rezim Competitive Authoritarian Pasca Pemilu 2024 Muhammad Taufiq Firdaus; Raudatul Jannah
Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia Vol. 4 No. 4 JULI 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

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This article analyzes the deepening trajectory of competitive authoritarianism in Indonesia following the 2024 election, emphasizing the systematic erosion of checks and balances through three interrelated patterns of power consolidation. First, the formation of an oversized legislative coalition has transformed the parliament into an extension of the executive, eliminating effective opposition and reducing oversight mechanisms to political formalities. Second, the regime’s increasing control over media, digital space, and civil society reflects a shift toward digital authoritarianism, where narrative management, institutionalized disinformation, and selective repression create an uneven playing field while maintaining the façade of democratic procedures. Third, the militarization of civilian governance, marked by the strategic placement of military elites in key ministries and the expansion of territorial command structures, signals a progressive blurring of boundaries between civilian authority and military influence. Using a qualitative-descriptive method supported by process tracing, this study demonstrates that Indonesia’s democratic backsliding is neither incidental nor temporary, but structurally produced through legal engineering, patronage-based co-optation, and normalization of executive hegemony. The findings highlight how democratic institutions persist formally but lose substantive autonomy, functioning primarily to legitimize rather than limit state power. The post-2024 configuration thus embodies a unitary executive model strengthened by media dominance, hegemonic coalition-building, and securitization of governance. This article argues that Indonesia is entering a critical juncture: without institutional reform and reinvigoration of civic resistance, competitive authoritarianism may harden into a new authoritarian order cloaked in democratic rituals.
Autocratic Legalism In The Recruitment Of Constitutional Justices: Deciphering The Legislative Overreach In The Annulment Of Dpr Decree No. 11/2025-2026 Salsabila Raisha Meshanayagi
Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia Vol. 4 No. 4 JULI 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

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The annulment of DPR Decree No. 11/2025–2026, which replaced the appointment of Inosentius Samsul with Adies Kadir as a candidate for Constitutional Justice, raises critical constitutional concerns regarding legislative authority in judicial recruitment. This study examines whether such annulment aligns with the principles of formele legaliteit and materiële rechtmatigheid, assesses its potential as legislative overreach under autocratic legalism, and evaluates its implications for judicial independence as affirmed in Constitutional Court Decision No. 103/PUU-XX/2022. This research employs a normative legal method using statutory, conceptual, and case approaches, supported by qualitative juridical analysis. The findings indicate that although the DPR’s action is procedurally valid, it lacks substantive constitutional justification, thereby risking willekeur. The use of formal legal mechanisms to justify discretionary replacement reflects a pattern of autocratic legalism that enables political influence without violating procedures. Furthermore, such practice is inconsistent with judicial independence, as it creates structural conditions that may undermine neutrality and public trust. The study concludes that legislative authority in judicial appointments must be constrained by both procedural legality and substantive constitutional principles.
Dominasi Koalisi Multipartai di DPR dan Implikasinya terhadap Independensi Fungsi Pengawasan Muhammad Naufal Abdurrahman
Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia Vol. 4 No. 4 JULI 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

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This study examines two main research questions: (1) how the dominance of multiparty coalitions emerges in the House of Representatives (DPR), and (2) how such dominance affects the independence of the oversight function. The research employs a doctrinal legal method with conceptual and statutory approaches, supported by a literature review of primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials. The analysis is conducted descriptively. The findings indicate that the dominance of multiparty coalitions is a consequence of party fragmentation and the need for stability within a presidential system, which encourages the formation of oversized coalitions. However, this condition weakens the independence of the DPR in exercising its oversight function. Transactional relationships between political parties and the government, particularly through the distribution of cabinet positions, lead party factions to adopt more compromising and less critical stances toward executive policies. As a result, the system of checks and balances does not function optimally, and the DPR risks shifting from an oversight body into a legitimizing instrument of government policies. This study concludes that the dominance of multiparty coalitions has significant implications for the quality of democracy and governance in Indonesia.
The DPR's Legitimacy Crisis in Democracy: Philosophical Reflections on Formalistic Meaningful Participation Rengga Kusuma Putra; Retno Saraswati; Lita Tyesta Addy Listya Wardhani; Satriya Nugraha; Rico Septian Noor
Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia Vol. 4 No. 4 JULI 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

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This study aims to analyze the legitimacy crisis of the House of Representatives (DPR) in Indonesia's democratic system through a philosophical reflection on formalistic meaningful participation practices. The research questions address the philosophical concept of legitimacy, the causes of formalistic participation, its implications for DPR legitimacy, and the ideal model of meaningful participation. The study employs normative legal research with statutory and conceptual approaches, using primary data from legislation and secondary data from scholarly literature and academic journals. The findings reveal that meaningful participation in the legislative process remains procedural and symbolic, thus failing to produce substantive legitimacy. This condition leads to declining public trust and the emergence of pseudo-legitimacy. Therefore, a transformation toward a more inclusive, deliberative, transparent, and outcome-oriented model of meaningful participation is necessary to strengthen the legitimacy of the DPR within a democratic system.
Sistem Kepartaian Dalam DPR : “Antara Representasi Rakyat dan Tantangan Profesionalisme” M. Ansori
Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia Vol. 4 No. 4 JULI 2026
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This research examines the dynamics of the party system in the House of Representatives (DPR) post-Reformasi, focusing on the balance between the function of popular representation and the challenges of legislative professionalism. Utilizing a normative-empirical legal research method with conceptual, statutory, and socio-political approaches, this study analyzes the extent to which the multi-party system within an open proportional election system is capable of channeling public aspirations. The research results indicate that although formal representation has been achieved through demographic diversity in parliament, substantive representation remains highly limited, with an estimated effectiveness level of only 30-40%. The primary obstacles lie in the dominance of party elite interests (fractional discipline) over constituent interests, party fragmentation that hinders legislative efficiency, and large coalition patterns that weaken the oversight function of the executive. Furthermore, member recruitment based on popularity and financial strength rather than technical competence worsens the quality of professionalism in performing legislative, budgetary, and oversight functions. This study recommends the need for party cadre system reform based on meritocracy, granting independence to council members, and more consistent enforcement of the code of ethics to realize a more transparent and accountable DPR.
Urgensi Revitalisasi Fungsi Pengawasan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat untuk Menguatkan Check and Balances Widodo; Erina Dwi Saputri
Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia Vol. 4 No. 4 JULI 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

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This paper examines the growing dominance of the executive in Indonesia’s constitutional practice and its impact on the weakening oversight function of the House of Representatives (DPR). In principle, the DPR serves as a counterbalance through checks and balances as mandated by the 1945 Constitution. However, a gap persists between this normative ideal and political reality. Using a normative legal approach with statutory and conceptual analysis, this study finds that broad governing coalitions significantly undermine the DPR’s oversight role by blurring the distinction between the overseer and the overseen. The article emphasizes the need to revitalize the DPR’s oversight function by strengthening control mechanisms, fostering informal opposition within parliamentary factions, and limiting executive influence in legislation. These steps are necessary to ensure that checks and balances function not only formally but also substantively in Indonesia’s constitutional system.
Criminal Responsibility for Recruitment of Afghan Children by Taliban under International Humanitarian Law Fatima Samimi
Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia Vol. 4 No. 3 MEI 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

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The recruitment and using of children in armed conflict is grave violation and intentional humanitarian law. However, despite prohibitions by international huma rights law, the domestic law of Afghanistan and its international obligations, Taliban systemically recruited Afghans children as combatants, intelligence information coordinators, logistics, armed transporter and even sauced bombers. This research examines the criminal responsibility of Taliban under international humanitarian laws due to utilization of teenagers of militant purposes by using the theory of criminal responsibility and a human rights approach with legal analysis method. This study finds that Taliban committed war crime in the previous 2o years and now they are violators of international humanitarian law such as the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), and its Optional Protocol on the involvement of children in armed conflict (OPAC), of Afghanistan domestic laws and war criminals according to Rome statute. As Afghanistan is the member of ICC since 2003, it has jurisdiction to prosecute crimes committed in Afghanistan since 2003 that are defined in the Rome Statute and that define child recruitment as a war crime. On the other hand, under the theory of criminal responsibility, the Taliban’s recruitment of child soldiers meets the three essential elements of the crime. In order to prosecute them, statements, evidence, documentary videos, and documents from victims and their family members must be collected and the ICC Prosecutor’s Office must collect information and conduct trials on the Taliban
Menakar Fit and Proper Test: Reverse Mechanism dan RUU Pemilu Masyarakat Sipil Muhammad Riyadi
Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia Vol. 4 No. 4 JULI 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

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This article examines the problem of politicization in the fit and proper test mechanism conducted by the House of Representatives (DPR) in the selection of election management bodies, where the DPR acts as the final decision-maker, thereby creating potential conflicts of interest. In response, two reform models have emerged: reverse mechanism selection (RMS), which transfers final selection authority to an independent selection committee, and the Election Bill proposed by civil society, which abolishes the fit and proper test and replaces it with a limited confirmation mechanism by the DPR. This study aims to: first, explain the problem of politicization in the fit and proper test; second, analyze the designs of RMS and the proposed Election Bill in addressing politicization; and third, compare both models. This research employs a doctrinal legal method with statutory, conceptual, and comparative approaches. The findings indicate that: first, the fit and proper test no longer functions as an objective evaluation mechanism but is influenced by political interests; second, RMS shifts final authority to the selection committee, while the proposed Election Bill removes the fit and proper test; third, both models do not eliminate politicization but rather shift it to different actors and stages.
Studi Kritis terhadap DPR dalam Mengawasi Danantara sebagai Entitas Pengelola Aset Negara Satrio Wibowo Kurniawan
Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia Vol. 4 No. 4 JULI 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

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This research aims to analyze the effectiveness of the supervisory function of the House of Representatives (DPR RI) over the Investment Management Agency, Badan Pengelola Investasi Daya Anagata Nusantara (Danantara), from a constitutional law perspective. Danantara is established as a state investment management entity with characteristics of a sovereign wealth fund, managing assets of State-Owned Enterprises (BUMN), including dividends that contribute to non-tax state revenue within the State Budget (APBN).The main issue addressed in this research is the absence of explicit legal provisions regulating the involvement of DPR in supervising Danantara. Although Danantara has an internal supervisory mechanism as stipulated in Government Regulation Number 10 of 2025, external legislative oversight by DPR is not clearly defined. This condition creates a normative gap in legislative supervision and has the potential to weaken the principle of Checks and Balances within the Indonesian constitutional system. This study employs a normative legal method with statutory and conceptual approaches. The findings indicate the need for stronger regulatory frameworks that explicitly involve DPR in supervising Danantara to ensure transparency and accountability in state asset management. Therefore, this research recommends establishing clear legislative oversight mechanisms and enhancing public information disclosure as part of good governance principles.
Pengawasan DPR dalam Game Theory: Mengapa Tidak Mengawasi Adalah Pilihan Rasional Anggota DPR? Muhammad Fawwaz Farhan Farabi; Ayu Madana Dhasny
Prosiding Seminar Hukum Aktual Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia Vol. 4 No. 4 JULI 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

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This article examines the oversight function of the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR) through the lens of game theory. It argues that the failure of parliamentary oversight is not only a moral deficiency of individual legislators, but rather an institutional design failure that renders non-oversight the rational choice for legislators. Employing normative legal research with statutory, conceptual, and analytical approaches, and drawing upon the Prisoner’s Dilemma, Mancur Olson’s theory of collective action, McCubbins and Schwartz’s police patrols versus fire alarms framework, and Robert Axelrod’s repeated game theory, this article maps the incentive structures faced by DPR members. The findings reveal that the costs of exercising oversight, including the risk of losing coalition access, party support, and reelection prospects, consistently outweigh its benefits for individual legislators. The article recommends institutional redesign that alters the payoff matrix, including the adoption of minority inquiry rights modeled after the German Grundgesetz, the strengthening of fire alarm mechanisms through civil society empowerment, and the enhancement of the DPR’s research capacity.

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