Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) is a peer-reviewed, biannual journal dedicated to publishing high-quality, interdisciplinary research on Indonesia’s social, economic, political, and cultural dimensions. Now operating under the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), JISSH serves as a platform for scholars, researchers, and practitioners to engage with critical issues both within Indonesia and in broader international contexts. The journal encourages innovative theoretical and empirical work that bridges academic disciplines and contributes to global scholarly conversations. JISSH invites submissions for its biannual issues, published in June and December. As a peer-reviewed journal, it fosters vibrant academic discourse among researchers, educators, graduate students, activists, professionals, and policymakers. We welcome original research articles, research notes, and reviews that explore a wide range of topics related to Indonesia’s society, culture, politics, and international studies. JISSH particularly seeks manuscripts with rigorous analysis—whether theoretical, methodological, or empirical—that contribute to cutting-edge discussions in the social sciences and humanities. Focus and Scope The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) provides a peer-reviewed platform and an authoritative source of information for the exchange of ideas and research among scholars in the social sciences and humanities who are interested in Indonesian Studies and/or Global and Area Studies from a Global South perspective. JISSH seeks to publish high-quality research papers, review articles, and book reviews that contribute to knowledge through the application and development of theory, exploration of new data, and/or rigorous analysis of relevant policy issues. The scope of JISSH includes the following areas: Social Sciences: Anthropology, Asian Studies, Communication, Demography, Development Studies, Gender Studies, Government and Public Policy, Human Ecology, International Relations, Media Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Political Science, Science, Technology and Society, Sociology. Humanities: Cultural Studies, Education, History, Human Geography, Linguistics, Philosophy, Religion.
Articles
138 Documents
<![CDATA[Othering The Minority: Comparative Study of Papua in Indonesia’s New Order Era and Rohingya in Myanmar during Military Junta ]]>
<![CDATA[Insan Praditya Anugrah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 9 No. 1 (2019): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[The paper examines the comparative study of subaltern between Papua in Indonesia’s New Order era and Rohingya in Myanmar during military rule. In Indonesia, Papuan case is an example of how the centralistic military regime treats Papuan ethnic as an object and treat them as “the others” rather than considers them as a part of “Indonesian entity” as the subject itself. Meanwhile in Myanmar, Rohingya case is an example of how centralistic military junta regime treats Rohingya ethnic as “the others” and considers them as foreigners in Myanmar. This paper found a significant difference between the treatment of Indonesian military regime towards Papuan ethnic and the treatment of Myanmar military junta regime towards Rohingya ethnic. In Indonesia, the military regime acknowledges Papuan as a citizen of Indonesia. However, the regime considers Papuan as the “different other” nonetheless. Their different race and ethnicity from Java and Malay ethnic as the majority ethnic are not the subject of the cause, yet it is caused by Papuan traditional behavior which is regarded as “backward” as by the central regime. Meanwhile in Myanmar, since the enforcement of citizenship law in 1982, the military regime clearly does not acknowledge Rohingya from the state citizenship because of their identities, such as religion and Rohingya historical background.]]>
<![CDATA[Dynamics Of Transmigration Policy As Supporting Policy Of Palm Oil Plantation Development In Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Widyatmoko, Bondan]]>;
<![CDATA[Dewi, Rosita]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 9 No. 1 (2019): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[Transmigration is the program which cannot be separated with the success story of palm oil development in Indonesia. Transmigrants becomes the engine to build the palm oil smallholder. The involvement of transmigrant in the PIR-Trans program, primary credit for member Scheme (KKPA), and revitalization scheme has been accelerating the palm oil plantation development in Indonesia. However, the “success” of developing palm oil plantation in Indonesia through scheme mentioned above was not without flaws. Unclear of land status or overlapping claim become the biggest problems faced nowadays. This paper aims to observe the development transmigration program and palm oil development in Indonesia. By analyzing policies of both transmigration programs and palm oil development from different political administration, this paper shows that, first, transmigration policy went from narrative of security, economic growth to border development and security. Second, under those different policy narratives, transmigration policy has been accommodated to the development of palm oil in Indonesia. Transfer of central authority to local government in executing transmigration movement and settlement has been addition to local government operational permission authority for palm oil development.]]>
<![CDATA[Malaria Morbidity Prediction Scenario In Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Hafsari, Tria Anggita]]>;
<![CDATA[Yulinda Nurul Aini]]>;
<![CDATA[Kurniawan, Fuat Edi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 9 No. 1 (2019): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[WHO declared that Indonesia is a country at risk of malaria, because of the high rates of malaria morbidity. Government commitment in eradicating malaria has been realized in Malaria elimination program. The program aims to reduce Malaria case to zero in 2030. Starting from 2011, Indonesia suffered a drop in API’s value from 1.75 to 0.84‰. Despite the numerous drop in Malaria cases, some regions are until now suffering from large major outbreaks especially in the eastern Indonesia. The aim of this paper is to predict the trend of malaria morbidity with the API variable value of each targeted area in Indonesia. The prediction method employed in this research was deterministic method using extrapolation trends and probabilistic method using ARIMA (Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average) using variation percentage of training and testing data to obtain the best prediction method. Result of this article was API value scenario in Indonesia up to 2030 for every targeted area. Based on the analysis result, the best method to predict the value of API was exponential growth method since it had the smallest MAPE value, which was 38.48 using 80% training data and 20% testing data. Prediction results indicated that the first targeted area had eliminated malaria in 2016, the second targeted area target would eliminated malaria in 2019 and the third targeted area was by 2022. Whereas the fourth targeted area covers Papua, West Papua, East Nusa Tenggara, Maluku and North Maluku had not eliminated malaria until 2030.]]>
<![CDATA[Fish-Bombing Fisherman From Pulau Barang Lompo, South Sulawesi Province: Corruption and Policy for Reducing Destructive Fishing ]]>
<![CDATA[Zaelany, Andy Ahmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 9 No. 1 (2019): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[At present, corruption in the fishing sector has become a severe threat to the effectiveness of marine resource management. However, corruption activities that occur in fishing communities are still rarely revealed to the public due to the complexity and lack of researchers who are interested in learning them. The research aims to understand the behavior of the fish-bomb fishermen in Barang Lompo Island, South Sulawesi, in order to arrange suitable policy and program choice for reducing of using fish bombs in fishing activity. This research is conducted by a qualitative approach and ethnography method (participation observation) as well in a time series since 1999. The result showed that the corruption behaviors among the Barang Lompo fishermen are caused by several factors, i.e., aggressive culture, poverty, cultural burden and cultural pride, and consumerism. Corruption, in this case, makes a fishing business more efficient, with short working time indicators, and catches a lot.]]>
<![CDATA[The Influence Of Family Wealth And Parent Education Level On Students’ Reading Literacy ]]>
<![CDATA[Nawas, Abu]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 9 No. 1 (2019): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study aims to examine the influence of family background factors in terms of family wealth and parent education levels on students’ reading performance in Indonesia. The study utilises secondary data from the OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2015 for Indonesia, in which 6513 students participated. Moreover, this specifically highlights the analysis of family wealth and parent education levels in possibly predicting the students reading literacy in Indonesia. In analysing the data, a quantitative approach was employed which utilised statistically different analysis namely t-test, one-way ANOVA, two-way ANOVA, correlation and multiple linear regression analysis using WesVar version 5.1 software. The result found there were significant different reading scores between students from different family wealth and parent education levels. The students from high family wealth performed better than they with middle and low wealthy. Likewise, the children with highly educated mother and father had high scores than students whose parents had low and did not complete primary school. Moreover, the result of correlation and regression analysis revealed that all predictor variables, WEALTH, MISCED and FISCED, significantly associate and predict better reading literacy performance of 15-year-old students in Indonesia for PISA 2015 survey. Therefore, the implications of the study highlight opportunities to reform educational policies through data and evidence.]]>
<![CDATA[The Prospect Of ASEAN Migration Governance ]]>
<![CDATA[Yazid, Sylvia]]>;
<![CDATA[Septiyana, Iyan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 9 No. 2 (2019): Indonesian Perspective on Migration, Refugee, and Diaspora Issues ]]>
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<![CDATA[ASEAN member countries are migrant-sending and receiving countries. Around 7.3 million ASEAN citizens are migrant workers, more than 740 thousand refugees are from Myanmar, and many ASEAN citizens are victims of human trafficking. Frequently, these migrants get discriminatory treatment, which makes them unable to fulfil their human rights. ASEAN, as a regional organization, is an actor that can implement migration governance in the region. As a governance institution, ASEAN has several migration instruments relating to human trafficking and migrant workers. To implement this regional instrument, ASEAN forms bodies that function to encourage and protect migrant rights. The Rohingya people from Myanmar still experiences forced migration and displacement. However, ASEAN still does not have a comprehensive instrument that can be a source of regional governance toward the issue. This paper will discuss the prospects of ASEAN migration governance in resolving migration issues in the region.]]>
<![CDATA[Migrant Workers Empowerment Through Vocational Education And Community-Based Learning: A Study Case of Indonesian In Taiwan ]]>
<![CDATA[Yuniarto, Paulus Rudolf]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 9 No. 2 (2019): Indonesian Perspective on Migration, Refugee, and Diaspora Issues ]]>
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<![CDATA[Based on the observation of Indonesian migrant workers vocational training programs and community based learning activities in Taiwan, the training programs play a part in assisting migrant workers to improve their skill and develop self-capacity building, to facilitate knowledge transfer and offer guidelines on productive financial management to migrant workers, and to introduce and develop intercultural communication with locals. However, financial and material support from stakeholders (government and communities) to develop skills and building an institution that can bridge migrants and stakeholders are still underdeveloped. Various constraints, ranged from the large number of migrants, voluntary absences, lack of material support, under-qualified teacher, limited business skill training, and limited networking are challenges that need to be addressed. In addition, vocational education/training curriculum are old fashioned and exclusive (segmented, only for active and bright worker). In the future development, it is vital to support more on community based education/training programs and open access to a life skill education (knowledge) that can increase the worker’s self-esteem or self-transformation (a semblance of future carrier).]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia And The International Refugee Crisis: The Politics of Refugee Protection ]]>
<![CDATA[Prabaningtyas, R.A. Rizka Fiani]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 9 No. 2 (2019): Indonesian Perspective on Migration, Refugee, and Diaspora Issues ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article examines the politics of international refugee protection in Indonesia’s domestic contexts to better understand the discourse of security and protection within the context of Indonesia’s policies and practices in handling refugees This understanding is crucial to find insights relating to the protection gap in the Asia-Pacific region, as Indonesia holds a salient position in advancing the refugee protection regime in the region. Although Indonesia does not seem to employ a specific restrictive asylum and immigration policy as a filtering mechanism to prevent refugee flows from entering their territory, its anxiety and ambivalence to accommodate requests for protection from asylum seekers have characterized its approach towards refugee crises over time. Specifically, this essay analyzed the political discourse and practices in a specific social and political context by historically tracing the experiences of Indonesia in dealing with three refugee crises that took place in the region, namely the Indochinese refugee crisis, the Tampa incident, and the Rohingya humanitarian crisis. It will be argued that the contested discourse and practices of protection in the midst of continuing modulation of insecurity within states are the constitutive factor for the production of state’s approaches to protect refugees. This potentially affected the way states conduct their domestic and foreign policies in the attempt to affirm their national stance towards global refugee phenomena and to avoid greater responsibility without guaranteed cooperative behaviors and solidarity from other counterparts.]]>
<![CDATA[The Meaning Of Diasporic Identity: A Case Of Indonesian Community Overseas ]]>
<![CDATA[Oktafiani, Irin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 9 No. 2 (2019): Indonesian Perspective on Migration, Refugee, and Diaspora Issues ]]>
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<![CDATA[This paper argues that the term of the diaspora in Indonesia has been transformed and simplified from the general diaspora concept and its conceptual meaning is not enough to define the Indonesian diaspora. The Indonesian government have already made a clear characteristic of Indonesian diaspora through the Presidential Regulation No. 76 of 2017, it is stated implicitly that Indonesian diaspora is whoever living abroad, despite they only live there for a short period. Regardless of what the Indonesian government has done to define the meaning of the diaspora, the definition is not enough to explain about Indonesian diaspora. By any conditions, the Indonesian government could not neglect the history of some Indonesian political refugees in 1965 or 1998 since there was a painful history left behind and it is unsure whether they want to recognize themselves again as Indonesia. On the other hand, the second generation or more of Indonesian who already got another country citizenship, cannot be guaranteed to have a sense of belonging with Indonesia and want to recognize that they have Indonesian descent. This paper will elucidate what really matters in the term of Indonesian diaspora in the sense of belonging and the confession that they are being attached to Indonesia.]]>
