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All Journal Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan Jurnal Master Pariwisata (JUMPA) Wawasan : Jurnal Ilmiah Agama dan Sosial Budaya Ganaya: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora Jurnal Dinamika Sosial Budaya NUSANTARA : Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies Journal of Social Political Sciences (JSPS) Prosiding Conference on Research and Community Services Nusantara Science and Technology Proceedings JESS (Journal of Education on Social Science) Global and Policy Journal of International Relations WIMAYA: Interdisciplinary Journal of International Affairs Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Malikussaleh (JSPM) Sibatik Journal : Jurnal Ilmiah Bidang Sosial, Ekonomi, Budaya, Teknologi, Dan Pendidikan Journal of Community Service SENTRI: Jurnal Riset Ilmiah Journal Publicuho Pena Wimaya Al-Kharaj: Jurnal Ekonomi, Keuangan & Bisnis Syariah Global Local Interactions: Journal of International Relations Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Journal of Integrative International Relations
Prihandono Wibowo
Program Studi Hubungan Internasional Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional “Veteran” Jawa Timur, Indonesia
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Perubahan Kebijakan Turki: Open Door Policy Menjadi Border Wall Project Tahun 2015-2022 Abidin, Wilda Daffania; Wibowo, Prihandono
Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 12, No 01 (2024)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v12i01.4279

Abstract

This research aims to analyze changes in Turkish foreign policy regarding the Open Door Policy and identify the factors that caused the change from the Open Door Policy to the Border Wall Project. To achieve this research objective, this research focuses on the change in the direction of Turkey's foreign policy from the Open Door Policy to the Border Wall Project towards Syrian and Afghan immigrants since the conflict caused by the Arab Spring in Syria until the takeover of power by the Taliban in Afghanistan. This research uses an explanatory qualitative approach method through literature study by analyzing data based on Joakim Eidenfalk's theory of foreign policy change. The main question of this research is why did Turkey implement changes to the Open Door Policy to become the Border Wall Project in 2015-2022? The research focuses on analyzing the factors that drive changes in Türkiye's Open Door Policy. In this research, it appears that the change from the Open Door Policy to the Border Wall Project on the southern and eastern borders was due to the intensity of terrorist attacks in Turkey, changes in the direction of public opinion towards immigrants, the influence of the media on public opinion, the increase in illegal smuggling, securing Turkey's national security and increasing activities of militants and terrorist organizations near the border.Keywords: Open Door Policy, Border Wall Project, TürkiyePenelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis perubahan kebijakan luar negeri Turki terkait Open Door Policy dan mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan terjadinya perubahan dari kebijakan Open Door Policy menjadi Border Wall Project. Untuk mencapai tujuan penelitian tersebut, penelitian ini berfokus pada berubahnya arah kebijakan luar negeri Turki dari kebijakan Open Door Policy menjadi Border Wall Project terhadap para imigran Suriah dan Afghanistan sejak konflik akibat Arab Spring di Suriah hingga pengambil alihan kekuasaan oleh Taliban di Afghanistan. Pertanyaan utama penelitian ini adalah mengapa Turki menerapkan perubahan terhadap kebijakan Open Door Policy menjadi Border Wall Project pada tahun 2015-2022?. Penelitian berfokus pada analisis faktor-faktor yang mendorong perubahan kebijakan Open Door Policy Turki. Dalam penelitian ini, terlihat bahwa perubahan Open Door Policy menjadi Border Wall Project di perbatasan selatan dan timur adalah karena intensitas serangan terorisme di Turki, perubahan arah opini publik terhadap imigran, pengaruh media terhadap opini publik, meningkatnya penyelundupan ilegal, pengamanan keamanan nasional Turki dan peningkatan aktivitas militan dan organisasi teroris di dekat perbatasan. Kata Kunci: Open Door Policy, Border Wall Project, TurkiDOI: https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v12i01.4279
SEKURITISASI WACANA KHILAFAH DI INDONESIA Prihandono Wibowo
Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 5 No. 1 (2020): Jisiera Volume 5, Agustus, 2020
Publisher : The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.4052347

Abstract

Caliphate restoration is a religious expression that has developed widely in Indonesia since the reformation era in 1998. Historical romanticism, the study of Islamic political jurisprudence, and Islamic eschatology are the basis for the development of religious expressions regarding the restoration of the Caliphate in Indonesia. Since the reformation era, various Islamic groups have idealized the restoration of the Caliphate with a variety of methods. The discourse regarding the Caliphate idea developed widely in society. However, in contemporary Indonesian politics, the Caliphate idea is identified by the State as a dangerous discourse for State sovereignty. Caliphate's discourse is identified with the trend of radicalism and terrorism. Religious groups that have longing expressions of the existence of the Caliphate are identified as "radical" or "terrorist" groups. Stigmatization of the Caliphate idea is a product of securitization of religious discourse that develops in society. In the concept of securitization, securitizing actors try to convince the public to believe that there is an existential "threat" from the Caliphate discourse against state sovereignty. Using the concept of securitization, this paper seeks to describe the process of securitization and the consequences of that process on the development of Caliphate discourse in Indonesia.
The Pentahelix Strategy for Addressing Radicalism and Terrorism Issue in Surabaya Prihandono Wibowo; Renitha Dwi Hapsari; Muchammad Chasif Ascha
Nusantara Science and Technology Proceedings 8th International Seminar of Research Month 2023
Publisher : Future Science

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.11594/nstp.2024.4146

Abstract

Over the past few decades, Surabaya has maintained a reputation as a city with a high level of safety. The capital of East Java Province is devoid of any socio-political upheaval. During the 2000s, some major cities, including Jakarta and Bali, saw a wave of terrorism. However, it is noteworthy that the city under consideration, often called the "city of heroes," did not see comparable tragedies during this period. In the year 2018, Surabaya encountered a terrorist occurrence. The phenomena of radicalism and terrorism are intricate and multifaceted, necessitating the involvement of multiple stakeholders for their resolution. The Surabaya municipal government emphasizes fostering collaboration among various stakeholders to ensure stability. Nevertheless, the provincial capital of Jawa Timur continues to experience many occurrences, such as the recent surge in terrorist apprehensions in Surabaya and the prevailing existence of extremist factions. Evidence suggests the presence of radical movements within the city of Surabaya. The primary objective of this study is to examine the implementation of cross-sectoral collaboration in addressing issues related to radicalism and terrorism within the urban context of Surabaya. This research aims to provide valuable insights for the Surabaya city government and relevant stakeholders regarding the issue of radicalism and terrorism in Surabaya to inform policy decisions. Within the framework of radicalism and terrorism, it is vital to explore how cross-sector collaboration in the urban setting of Surabaya addresses this phenomenon. This study uses the Penthaelix cooperation framework to analyze the dynamics of collaboration among various stakeholders in Surabaya City in their efforts to combat radicalism and terrorism. The researchers successfully identified eight key informants representing each stakeholder cluster. Through conducting research and engaging in interviews, valuable insights were gathered regarding the patterns of cooperation that emerged and the problems encountered.
Strategic Thinking of Ayatollah Khomeini in the Iranian Islamic Revolution Prihandono Wibowo
Nusantara Science and Technology Proceedings International Relations on Indonesian Foreign Policy Conference 2022
Publisher : Future Science

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.11594/nstp.2023.3407

Abstract

The Iranian Islamic Revolution is one of the most critical events in the study of international relations. This revolution overthrew the ruling regime and gave rise to the Islamic Republic of Iran as a country that applies Islamic teachings as the basis of the state. The Iranian Islamic Revolution also signaled the relevance of the role of Islamic movements in socio-political movements. In addition, the Islamic Revolution of Iran also signifies the trend of desecularization that has characterized international relations for decades. The Islamic Republic of Iran has survived more than four decades despite external pressures. Ayatollah Khomeini was a critical actor in the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Ayatollah Khomeini's thoughts inspired the Iranian people to resist the regime's oppression. Ayatollah Khomeini's thoughts also inspired the Iranian people to accept the form of Iran as an Islamic state. This paper explores the relationship between Ayatollah Khomeini's strategic thinking and the Iranian Islamic Revolution. The method used in this research is qualitative by analyzing Ayatollah Khomeini's statements on religion and revolution.
Utilizing Digital Promotion on the Besek Program for the Besek Kurban Alfiandi Imam Mawardi; Prihandono Wibowo; Budi Prabowo; Rusdi Hidayat; Praja Firdaus Nuryananda
Nusantara Science and Technology Proceedings 7st International Seminar of Research Month 2022
Publisher : Future Science

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.11594/nstp.2023.3337

Abstract

The Bekurban program is a program to distribute besek (traditional packaging made of bamboo) from one of the fostered villages of UPN “Veteran” Jawa Timur, namely Tegaren village in Trenggalek Regency, to mosques and the organizers of one of the activities of the Idul Qurban, namely the slaughter of sacrificial animals. The purpose of using this besek is to replace the plastic packaging that has been used to wrap the meat of sacrificial animals. By replacing plastic bags with plastic bags, the production of plastic bags on the Idul Qurban will also decrease. BUMDes Banyu Lumut is a business unit that used to take up business activities as a savings and loan cooperative. However, the BUMDes Banyu Lumut experienced a long-term debt default phase. Therefore, it is very difficult to provide health or stimulus to BUMDes Banyu Lumut. The proposing team has formulated two main problems, namely a) the unprofessional management of the BUMDes Banyu Lumut which causes management to fail, and b) the Besek Untuk Kurban program which still does not have marketing instruments. As a solution, the proposing team brought up the making of a video profile of Besek Untuk Kurban activities as a means of digital promotion and new knowledge for village youth and BUMDes Banyu Lumut administrators in Tegaren Village. This PIKAT community service activity is carried out using two methods, namely 1) asset-based community development (ABCD) as a method of social approach to the community and 2) production of profile videos with a soft skill approach. Meanwhile, the mandatory outputs include modules, printed and electronic media articles, publications on YouTube, speakers at scientific meetings, the application of science and technology, intellectual property rights and the MBKM program with a minimum conversion of 2 credits for students. The provisional result is that the Bekurban program has managed to collect donations of more than 10 million rupiah this year to provide incentives to besek craftsmen in Tegaren. The team's plan after this is to make a sustainability plan for the Bekurban program through social media.
Analisis Keputusan Rusia dalam Operasi Militer Khusus ke Ukraina 2022 melalui Pendekatan Decision-Making Theory Wahyuningtias , Putri Diah; Wibowo, Prihandono
Ganaya : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora Vol 8 No 1 (2025)
Publisher : Jayapangus Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.37329/ganaya.v8i1.3643

Abstract

This study aims to analyze Russia's decision to launch Special Military Operations against Ukraine in 2022 using a Decision-Making Theory approach. The primary background of this research is the geopolitical tension related to Ukraine's potential NATO membership, which was perceived as a direct threat to Russia's national security. The method employed in this study is a qualitative analysis based on a literature review, including official documents, academic articles, and other secondary data sources. The findings reveal that Russia's decision was influenced by a security dilemma stemming from NATO's expansion in Eastern Europe and Ukraine's increasing dependence on the West. From an economic perspective, Ukraine's reliance on Russian energy resources became one of the strategic factors in this decision. The study shows that Russia's decision was driven not only by external factors, such as NATO, but also by internal factors, including domestic political support and strong military capabilities. In conclusion, Russia’s decision to launch military operations was a preventive measure to maintain its influence in Eastern Europe, safeguard its national interests, and prevent Ukraine from joining NATO, which is perceived as a long-term threat to Russia's security.
ANALISIS PERUBAHAN KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI TURKIYE TERHADAP PENGAJUAN AKSESI SWEDIA KEPADA NATO TAHUN 2022-2024 Fakhirah, Nawra; Wibowo, Prihandono
Journal Pena Wimaya Vol 5 No 1 (2025): Jurnal Pena Wimaya
Publisher : Pena Wimaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31315/jpw.v5i1.13727

Abstract

ABSTRAKPada 24 Februari 2022, Rusia mengirimkan pasukan militernya untuk menginvasi Ukraina sebagai respon dari aksesi Zelensky kepada presiden AS yakni Joe Biden agar mengizinkan Ukraina bergabung sebagai anggota dari North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) di akhir tahun 2021. Invasi yang dilakukan oleh Rusia mendapatkan berbagai respon dari dunia internasional, dimana pada 05 Mei 2022 Swedia mengajukan aksesi kepada NATO. Namun aksesi Swedia harus tertahan karena Turkiye, salah satu negara anggota NATO menolak aksesi tersebut karena Swedia diduga memberikan dukungan kepada Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), yakni sebuah organisasi separatisme Kurdi yang dianggap teroris oleh Turkiye. Hingga pada puncak pelaksanaan KTT NATO di Lithuania Juli 2023 lalu, secara mengejutkan Erdogan kemudian menyetujui aksesi keanggotaan Swedia pasca diadakannya pertemuan pribadi bersama PM Swedia dan Sekjen NATO. Swedia telah resmi menjadi anggota NATO pada 07 Maret 2024. Penelitian ini akan menganalisis perubahan kebijakan luar negeri yang dilakukan oleh Turkiye terkait aksesi Swedia ke NATO menggunakan teori Foreign Policy Change milik Eidenfalk. Dengan mengidentifikasi berbagai internasional yang mempengaruhi perubahan keputusan Turkiye serta memanfaatkan konsep Windows of Opportunity, akan dijelaskan mengenai bagaimana Turkiye mampu memanfaatkan situasi geopolitik yang kompleks ini dalam mencapai kepentingan nasionalnya.Kata Kunci: Turkiye; Swedia; NATO; Aksesi; Perubahan Kebijakan Luar NegeriABSTRACTOn February 24 2022, Russia sent its military forces to invade Ukraine in response to Zelensky's accession to US President Joe Biden to allow Ukraine join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) at the end of 2021. The invasion carried out by Russia received various responses from the international community. On May 5 2022, Sweden submitted its accession to NATO. However, Sweden's accession had to be held back because Turkiye, one of the NATO member countries, rejected the accession because Sweden was suspected of providing support to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), a Kurdish separatist organization considered a terrorist by Turkiye. At the NATO Summit in Lithuania, July 2023, Erdogan surprisingly approved Sweden's accession after a private meeting with the Swedish Prime Minister and NATO Secretary General. Sweden officially became a member of NATO on March 7, 2024. This study will analyze the changes in foreign policy made by Turkiye regarding Sweden's accession to NATO using Eidenfalk's Foreign Policy Change theory. By identifying various international factors that influence Turkiye's decision-making changes and utilizing the concept of Windows of Opportunity, it will be explained how Turkey is able to take advantage of this complex geopolitical situation in achieving its national interests.Keywords: Turkiye; Sweden; NATO; Accession; Foreign Policy Change
Navigating Challenges in the Penta Helix Model: Collaborative Strategies and Obstacles in Countering Extremism in Surabaya, Indonesia Wibowo, Prihandono; Hapsari, Renitha Dwi; Ascha, Muchammad Chasif; Widjaya, Salsa Febiola Gading; Octavia, Afissa Hanani
Wawasan: Jurnal Ilmiah Agama dan Sosial Budaya Vol 10 No 1 (2025)
Publisher : the Faculty of Ushuluddin, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/jw.v10i1.39307

Abstract

This study examines the challenges in implementing the Penta helix model to counter radicalism and terrorism in Surabaya, Indonesia. Given Surabaya's strategic importance and vulnerability to extremism, the research seeks to assess how collaboration among government, academia, media, civil society, and the private sector functions within this framework. Employing a descriptive-qualitative approach, data were gathered through semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders, including law enforcement, religious leaders, civil society, and media representatives, supplemented by document analysis. The findings indicate that while the Penta helix strategy has been partially operationalised, several challenges remain. These include minimal involvement of the business sector, fragmented stakeholder coordination, budgetary limitations, and a notable absence of gender mainstreaming despite the involvement of women in previous terrorist acts. These limitations reduce the model’s effectiveness in preventing and countering violent extremism. The study highlights the need to strengthen inter-sectoral collaboration by fully implementing the National Action Plan (RAN PE), institutionalising business sector contributions through CSR, and incorporating gender perspectives into local counter-terrorism policies. This research contributes to the discourse on collaborative governance in extremism prevention by offering a localised analysis of the Penta helix model. Its originality lies in identifying gender mainstreaming and private sector gaps as underexplored barriers, thereby extending existing knowledge on policy implementation at the municipal level.
CHINA'S AMBITION IN ENHANCING INDO-PACIFIC GEOPOLITICAL POWER THROUGH CHINA'S SPACE PROGRAM IN 2018-2024 Nawa, Ahmad Sabiqun; Wibowo, Prihandono
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Malikussaleh (JSPM) Vol. 6 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : FISIP Universitas Malikussaleh

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29103/jspm.v6i2.21935

Abstract

This study aims to analyze how China's space program is used as a strategic instrument in enhancing geopolitical power in the Indo-Pacific region in the 2018-2024 period. Using a qualitative approach and astropolitical theory, this study explores four main indicators: space technology mastery, space resource utilization, international cooperation, and space asset protection. The results show that China has achieved significant progress through the successful Chang'e exploration mission, the construction of the Tiangong space station, and the BeiDou navigation system that competes directly with the United States' GPS. In addition, China is actively forging space partnerships with developing countries and engaging in multilateral projects such as the International Lunar Research Station (ILRS). The exploration and utilization of resources such as helium-3 on the Moon marks a long-term strategic orientation in energy and technology. On the other hand, the strengthening of situational awareness systems in space and the potential for space defense demonstrate China's seriousness in safeguarding its strategic assets. In conclusion, China's space program not only reflects scientific progress, but is also a tool of diplomacy and power projection in the Indo-Pacific.
China's Rational Calculation (Cost-Benefit) in Mediating the Normalization of Iran and Saudi Arabia Relations Purba, Yehezkiel; Wibowo, Prihandono
SENTRI: Jurnal Riset Ilmiah Vol. 4 No. 8 (2025): SENTRI : Jurnal Riset Ilmiah, Agustus 2025
Publisher : LPPM Institut Pendidikan Nusantara Global

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.55681/sentri.v4i8.4376

Abstract

Saudi Arabia and Iran are two countries that serve as powerhouses in the Middle East region. They severed diplomatic relations following the vandalism and arson of the Saudi Arabian embassy in Iran in 2016. The attack was a response by the Iranian public to the Saudi government's execution of Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr. In 2023, Iran and Saudi Arabia normalized diplomatic relations through several agreements, including the reopening of embassies and the reactivation of security and trade agreements, facilitated by China in Beijing. This study focuses on the reasons why China chose to act as a mediator in the normalization process between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The research uses a qualitative-explanatory approach through the perspective of the Rational Actor Model. It is found that China's decision to act as a mediator was a rational choice that yielded more benefits through a cost-benefit analysis. These benefits include securing energy supplies, ensuring a stable investment climate, reducing the risk of cooperation failures, and opening up opportunities for further collaboration. On the other hand, the costs borne by China include the diplomatic burden of having to succeed in this mediation and the future expectations placed on China to maintain these benefits. An alternative policy is bilateral hedging, which also presents potential advantages such as saving diplomatic resources and fostering short-term trade relations. However, it also comes with drawbacks such as energy supply disruptions, damage to the investment climate, and the loss of strategic momentum and trust for China.
Co-Authors Abidin, Wilda Daffania Abizzar Maulana, Muchammad Agnes Putri Eka Nurzaman Ahmad Zamzamy Ainur Fitri, Rahmania Alfiandi Imam Mawardi Amer, Karolita Mariana Annisa Cahyani Daeng Mafata Ascha, Muchammad Chasif Budi Prabowo Chalid Syamy Ramadhan Dharmawan Ajie Laksono, Satria Dwi Hapsari, Renitha Fadhil Rahman, Nazhmi Fakhirah, Nawra Fardani, Kelvin Dwi Grace Lumban Gaol Hakam, Muhammad Ahsanul Hapsari, Renitha Dwi Hapsari, Renitha Dwi Hidayat, Rusdi Izha Amirudin, Jinny Jiehan Pratama Saksananta Jinny Izha Amirudin Jojok Diwridhotjahjono Jojok Dwiridhotjahjono Jojok Dwiridhotjahjono Kelvin Dwi Fardani Mahayasa, Dias Pabyantara Swandita Muchammad Chasif Ascha Muchammad Chasif Ascha Muchammad Chasif Ascha Muhammad Ahsanul Hakam Nahar Maulana Maarif Nawa, Ahmad Sabiqun Nuryananda, Praja Firdaus Octavia, Afissa Hanani Panjaitan, Derryl Jacobi Prakasa, Maulana Wahyu Purba, Yehezkiel Qeisha Firmansyah Renitha Dwi Hapsari Renitha Dwi Hapsari Roziana Febrianita Shakira Adriana Handriza Wahyuningtias , Putri Diah Widjaya, Salsa Febiola Gading Zamzamy, Ahmad