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All Journal Socia : Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Sosial Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan Jurnal Master Pariwisata (JUMPA) Ganaya: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora NUSANTARA : Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies Journal of Social Political Sciences (JSPS) Prosiding Conference on Research and Community Services Nusantara Science and Technology Proceedings JESS (Journal of Education on Social Science) Global and Policy Journal of International Relations WIMAYA: Interdisciplinary Journal of International Affairs Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Malikussaleh (JSPM) Sibatik Journal : Jurnal Ilmiah Bidang Sosial, Ekonomi, Budaya, Teknologi, Dan Pendidikan Journal of Community Service SENTRI: Jurnal Riset Ilmiah Journal Publicuho Pena Wimaya JISIP UNJA (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik Universitas Jambi) Al-Kharaj: Jurnal Ekonomi, Keuangan & Bisnis Syariah Global Local Interactions: Journal of International Relations Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Journal of Integrative International Relations
Prihandono Wibowo
Program Studi Hubungan Internasional Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional “Veteran” Jawa Timur, Indonesia
Religion Aerospace Engineering Agriculture, Biological Sciences & Forestry Arts Humanities Chemical Engineering, Chemistry & Bioengineering Computer Science & IT Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Energy Engineering Environmental Science Industrial & Manufacturing Engineering Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Materials Science & Nanotechnology Mathematics Medicine & Pharmacology Social Sciences Other

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Upaya Transnasionalisasi Pergerakan Al Qaeda Pasca-11 September 2001 Wibowo, Prihandono
Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 1, No 01 (2013)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v1i01.2010

Abstract

ABSTRACTThis study reveals the reason Al Qaeda can survive and develop global terrorism trend in the post-2001 period. Through the analysis of various Al Qaeda‟s document, the answers obtained. First, Al Qaeda change its ideology from old ideology to new ideology. The old Al Qaeda's ideology limited to discuss about militarism issue and how to expelled U.S. military from the Middle East. While in the new idelogy, Al-Qaeda attempt to attract popular support from the muslim widely. Al Qaeda raise globalization issues that associated with U.S. global imperialism. Second, Al Qaeda use of the means of thriving in globalization. Al Qaeda applying the concept of All-Channel network and utilize information technology for the benefit of the movement. With that combination, al Qaeda succeeded in developing a global movement trendKeywords: globalization, contemporary global issues, popular support, global movements, networks, information technology.DOI:https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v1i01.2010
Potensi Irelevansi Sistem Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI) dalam Konstelasi Politik Global Wibowo, Prihandono
Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 2, No 01 (2014)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v2i01.1982

Abstract

ABSTRACTMany claims stating that the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) is final system. Supporter of this argument suggests that the concept of the nation-state has the final. In fact, if viewed from its historical context, system nation-state only one trend of various systems that run by human. System of city-states, kingdoms, empires, and the caliphate is an example of systems that ever existed and became a trend. This suggests that the nation-state is not absolutely necessary for the human system. In addition, the contemporary trend suggests that the nation-state is increasingly irrelevant. Various regional and transnational cooperation of various actors between states and non-state has taken over some of the traditional role of the nation-state. Existence of EU institutions give the real illustration that regionalism system began to replace the nation-state. Contemporary religious movements also brought the idea to replace the nation-state system. Therefore , it is possible that alternative systems, both of which have roots tradition from the past or an entirely new system, will be able to replace the nation-state system. Therefore , the claim that NKRI is a "final system" and " have the final ", should be reviewed.Keywords: International Politic, nation-state, irrelevant, alternative system.DOI:https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v2i01.1982
SPORTING NATION SEBAGAI NATION BRANDING AUSTRALIA PADA TAHUN 2015-2018 Izha Amirudin, Jinny; Wibowo, Prihandono
NUSANTARA : Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial Vol 9, No 7 (2022): NUSANTARA : Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Tapanuli Selatan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31604/jips.v9i7.2022.2421-2428

Abstract

Diplomasi olahraga merupakan suatu bentuk diplomasi di bawah payung diplomasi publik. Australia menggunakan diplomasi olahraga sebagai strategi nation branding negaranya sebagai bangsa olahraga. Tujuan dari nation branding Australia melalui diplomasi olahraga adalah untuk mempromosikan keahlian olahraga Australia, yang juga merupakan budaya bagi negara tersebut, sehingga dapat mendorong aspek lainnya seperti perekonomian, investasi, pariwisata dan lain sebagainya. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitantif dengan menggunakan konsep nation branding dan teori diplomasi olahraga. Melalui penelitian ini, penulis menemukan empat strategi yang digunakan Australia untuk mempromosikan negaranya sebagai sporting nation melalui diplomasi olahraga, yaitu: (1) menghubungkan masyarakat dan institusi; (2) meningkatkan olahraga untuk pembangunan SDM; (3) showcasing Australia; dan (4) mendukung inovasi dan integrasi.
ANALISIS PERUBAHAN KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI IRAN TERHADAP ISRAEL PASCA SERANGAN 7 OKTOBER 2023 Dharmawan Ajie Laksono, Satria; Fadhil Rahman, Nazhmi; Ainur Fitri, Rahmania; Abizzar Maulana, Muchammad; Dwi Hapsari, Renitha; Wibowo, Prihandono
SIBATIK JOURNAL: Jurnal Ilmiah Bidang Sosial, Ekonomi, Budaya, Teknologi, Dan Pendidikan Vol. 4 No. 12 (2025)
Publisher : Penerbit Lafadz Jaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.54443/sibatik.v4i12.3603

Abstract

This research analyses the transformation of Iran’s foreign policy towards Israel following the Hamas attack on 7 October 2023. The event triggered an escalation that shifted the long-standing proxy warfare into direct confrontation between Iran and Israel. For decades, Iran has supported Palestinian resistance groups and the broader axis of resistance, while avoiding direct military involvement. However, Israel’s attacks on Iranian assets and senior officials, particularly the strike on Damascus in April 2024, created structural pressures that compelled Iran to retaliate through open military operations, such as Operation True Promise I–III. This study employs a qualitative explanatory method, applying Joakim Eidenfalk’s theory of foreign policy change, which highlights domestic factors (public opinion, media, interest groups, political parties, and bureaucracy) alongside international factors (global, regional, bilateral, and non-state actors). The concept of windows of opportunity is used to explain how structural conditions provide critical moments for Iranian decision-makers to alter foreign policy. The findings reveal that the change constitutes a restructuring process, marked by the shift from proxy warfare to open confrontation. This transformation reflects Iran’s effort to reinforce its regional position, consolidate domestic legitimacy, and demonstrate its military capacity in countering Israel.
PERAN DATA SITUATION ROOM DAN DASHBOARD DALAM MENDUKUNG KEBIJAKAN PENANGANAN KEKERASAN BERBASIS GENDER DI NIGERIA Annisa Cahyani Daeng Mafata; Prihandono Wibowo
Journal Publicuho Vol. 8 No. 2 (2025): May - July - Journal Publicuho
Publisher : Halu Oleo University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35817/publicuho.v8i2.744

Abstract

This study aims to analyse the role of the DSR in supporting policy formulation related to GBV response in Nigeria. Employing a qualitative descriptive approach, data were gathered through literature reviews of official documents, organisational reports, and relevant academic publications. Findings indicate that the DSR functions as a central hub for the integration and real-time visualisation of GBV data, encompassing geographic indicators, types of violence, age groups, and case management statuses. This system has contributed to the development of key national policies, such as the National Protocol on GBV Case Management and the Strategic Knowledge Management Plan on GBV. Despite ongoing challenges such as data quality and inter-agency coordination, the DSR has demonstrated its effectiveness in enhancing the state’s GBV response by providing accurate, structured, and evidence-based data. The existence of the DSR strengthens the trajectory toward more inclusive, responsive, and sustainable policies for the protection of women and girls in Nigeria.
REORIENTASI KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI PEMERINTAH AMERIKA SERIKAT TERHADAP KERAJAAN ARAB SAUDI PADA KONFLIK YAMAN 2017-2022 Chalid Syamy Ramadhan; Prihandono Wibowo
Journal Publicuho Vol. 8 No. 3 (2025): August - October - Journal Publicuho
Publisher : Halu Oleo University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35817/publicuho.v8i3.777

Abstract

This research aims to analyse the reasons behind the shift in US foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia in the Yemen war. Saudi Arabia, as a country involved in the conflict, is attempting to eliminate the Yemeni Houthi militia group. The US has had changing foreign policies towards Saudi Arabia during the Yemen war. Starting from a policy that more supported Saudi involvement in the conflict by providing military and intelligence support, to the emergence of efforts to halt arms sales, and then to a policy that emphasises urging the cessation of Saudi involvement in Yemen through a ceasefire. The change in US government policy towards Saudi Arabia has been driven by external and internal factors, as well as the impact of leadership changes. This research will highlight US policies during the administrations of President Donald J. Trump and President Joe Biden, covering the period from 2017 to 2022. This research will use qualitative and explanatory approaches to examine the shifts in US foreign policy. Journals, media, and official statements from the US and Saudi governments will serve as data for the construction of this research.
Rekonsiliasi Hubungan Sunni-Syiah di Kawasan Timur Tengah Wibowo, Prihandono; Zamzamy, Ahmad
Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 1 No. 1 (2015): November
Publisher : Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2015.1.1.41-57

Abstract

War based on Sunni and Shia identity becomes a trend in contemporary conflicts in the Middle East. Unlike the Sunni-Shia conflict in the classic period as a result of theological dispute, the current conflict between the two groups are more influenced by political, economic and social variables. Therefore, it is necessary to analise the Sunni-Shia conflict comprehensively. The analysis provides steps to reconcile relations between Sunni-Shiite in the contemporary period. Reconciliation can be strengthened through dialogue among Sunni-Shia, construct common enemy and open socio-political access.
Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri Rusia: Pembangunan Pangkalan Militer di Laut Merah 2020-2025 Nahar Maulana Maarif; Jiehan Pratama Saksananta; Shakira Adriana Handriza; Prihandono Wibowo
Al-Kharaj: Jurnal Ekonomi, Keuangan & Bisnis Syariah Vol. 7 No. 9 (2025): Al-Kharaj: Jurnal Ekonomi, Keuangan & Bisnis Syariah
Publisher : Intitut Agama Islam Nasional Laa Roiba Bogor

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47467/alkharaj.v7i9.8444

Abstract

Russia's plan to establish a military base in the Red Sea region through the coast of Sudan is one of the geopolitical and foreign policy developments in international dynamics experiencing a significant surge. Since the meeting between then Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Sochi in November 2017, Russia's aspirations in the Red Sea region have increased. Russia has continued its efforts to penetrate the Red Sea region in various ways, seeking logistical and legal loopholes, forming alliances with countries such as Turkey, and putting pressure on the Gulf states, especially Saudi Arabia, while exploiting and complicating the situation. To analyze the dynamics of Russian foreign policy in the Red Sea, the author uses the Foreign Policy Decision Making Theory proposed by William D. Coplin in his work entitled “Foreign Policy Decision-making”, that in the process of formulating foreign policy, there are at least three basic factors that are taken into consideration by policy makers Domestic Politics, Economic and Military Capability, and International Context. In making this decision, the Russian President considered several things such as positive support from domestic policy influencers, Russia's economic independence, and the presence of the Russian military, either under Wagner or the Ministry of Defense in Sudan. With the inauguration of the construction of Russian military bases in Sudan, Russia can expand its geopolitical influence in the Red Sea region, in line with its foreign policy objectives to create a balance of power with Western powers in the Middle East.
PERAN KERJA SAMA INTERNASIONAL DALAM MEMPERKUAT KEBIJAKAN PENANGGULANGAN TERORISME Aryadi, Umar Usman; Wibowo, Prihandono
JISIP UNJA (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik Universitas Jambi) Vol 10, No 1 (2026): April
Publisher : Jurusan Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Fakultas Hukum Universitas Jambi

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22437/jisipunja.v10i1.53941

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis peran kerja sama internasional dalam memperkuat kebijakan penanggulangan terorisme Indonesia ditengah meningkatnya kompleksitas ancaman terorisme transnasional. Permasalahan penelitian berangkat dari keterbatasan kapasitas kebijakan domestik dalam menghadapi jaringan terorisme global yang memanfaatkan konektivitas digital, mobilitas lintas negara, serta pendanaan internasional. Penelitian menggunakan metode library research dengan teknik analisis dokumen terhadap literatur akademik, laporan lembaga internasional, serta dokumen kebijakan pemerintah terkait kerja sama kontra-terorisme. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kerja sama internasional berkontribusi signifikan terhadap peningkatan kapasitas institusional Indonesia melalui pertukaran intelijen, pelatihan aparat keamanan, harmonisasi kerangka hukum, serta penguatan koordinasi keamanan regional. Kerja sama bilateral dengan Australia dan Amerika Serikat mempercepat profesionalisasi aparat keamanan, sementara mekanisme multilateral melalui ASEAN memperkuat koordinasi kebijakan kawasan. Meskipun demikian, tantangan koordinasi antar aktor, kesenjangan kapasitas institusional, serta isu kedaulatan kebijakan masih memengaruhi efektivitas implementasi kerja sama internasional. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa kerja sama internasional merupakan instrumen strategis dalam memperkuat kebijakan penanggulangan terorisme Indonesia, namun efektivitasnya bergantung pada kemampuan negara mengintegrasikan hasil kerja sama ke dalam tata kelola keamanan nasional yang berkelanjutan.
ANALISIS PERUBAHAN KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI TURKIYE TERHADAP PENGAJUAN AKSESI SWEDIA KEPADA NATO TAHUN 2022-2024 Nawra Fakhirah; Prihandono Wibowo
Journal Pena Wimaya Vol 5 No 1 (2025): Jurnal Pena Wimaya
Publisher : Pena Wimaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31315/jpw.v5i1.13727

Abstract

ABSTRAKPada 24 Februari 2022, Rusia mengirimkan pasukan militernya untuk menginvasi Ukraina sebagai respon dari aksesi Zelensky kepada presiden AS yakni Joe Biden agar mengizinkan Ukraina bergabung sebagai anggota dari North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) di akhir tahun 2021. Invasi yang dilakukan oleh Rusia mendapatkan berbagai respon dari dunia internasional, dimana pada 05 Mei 2022 Swedia mengajukan aksesi kepada NATO. Namun aksesi Swedia harus tertahan karena Turkiye, salah satu negara anggota NATO menolak aksesi tersebut karena Swedia diduga memberikan dukungan kepada Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), yakni sebuah organisasi separatisme Kurdi yang dianggap teroris oleh Turkiye. Hingga pada puncak pelaksanaan KTT NATO di Lithuania Juli 2023 lalu, secara mengejutkan Erdogan kemudian menyetujui aksesi keanggotaan Swedia pasca diadakannya pertemuan pribadi bersama PM Swedia dan Sekjen NATO. Swedia telah resmi menjadi anggota NATO pada 07 Maret 2024. Penelitian ini akan menganalisis perubahan kebijakan luar negeri yang dilakukan oleh Turkiye terkait aksesi Swedia ke NATO menggunakan teori Foreign Policy Change milik Eidenfalk. Dengan mengidentifikasi berbagai internasional yang mempengaruhi perubahan keputusan Turkiye serta memanfaatkan konsep Windows of Opportunity, akan dijelaskan mengenai bagaimana Turkiye mampu memanfaatkan situasi geopolitik yang kompleks ini dalam mencapai kepentingan nasionalnya.Kata Kunci: Turkiye; Swedia; NATO; Aksesi; Perubahan Kebijakan Luar NegeriABSTRACTOn February 24 2022, Russia sent its military forces to invade Ukraine in response to Zelensky's accession to US President Joe Biden to allow Ukraine join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) at the end of 2021. The invasion carried out by Russia received various responses from the international community. On May 5 2022, Sweden submitted its accession to NATO. However, Sweden's accession had to be held back because Turkiye, one of the NATO member countries, rejected the accession because Sweden was suspected of providing support to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), a Kurdish separatist organization considered a terrorist by Turkiye. At the NATO Summit in Lithuania, July 2023, Erdogan surprisingly approved Sweden's accession after a private meeting with the Swedish Prime Minister and NATO Secretary General. Sweden officially became a member of NATO on March 7, 2024. This study will analyze the changes in foreign policy made by Turkiye regarding Sweden's accession to NATO using Eidenfalk's Foreign Policy Change theory. By identifying various international factors that influence Turkiye's decision-making changes and utilizing the concept of Windows of Opportunity, it will be explained how Turkey is able to take advantage of this complex geopolitical situation in achieving its national interests.Keywords: Turkiye; Sweden; NATO; Accession; Foreign Policy Change
Co-Authors Abidin, Wilda Daffania Abizzar Maulana, Muchammad Agnes Putri Eka Nurzaman Ahmad Zamzamy Ainur Fitri, Rahmania Alfiandi Imam Mawardi Annisa Cahyani Daeng Mafata Aryadi, Umar Usman Ascha, Muchammad Chasif Betsaida Lasmiari Purba Budi Prabowo Chalid Syamy Ramadhan Derryl Jacobi Panjaitan Dharmawan Ajie Laksono, Satria Dwi Hapsari, Renitha Fadhil Rahman, Nazhmi Grace Lumban Gaol Hapsari, Renitha Dwi Hapsari, Renitha Dwi Hidayat, Rusdi Izha Amirudin, Jinny Jiehan Pratama Saksananta Jinny Izha Amirudin Jojok Diwridhotjahjono Jojok Dwiridhotjahjono Jojok Dwiridhotjahjono Karolita Mariana Amer Kelvin Dwi Fardani Mahayasa, Dias Pabyantara Swandita Muchammad Chasif Ascha Muchammad Chasif Ascha Muchammad Chasif Ascha Muhammad Ahsanul Hakam Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika Nahar Maulana Maarif Nawa, Ahmad Sabiqun Nawra Fakhirah Nuryananda, Praja Firdaus Prakasa, Maulana Wahyu Purba, Yehezkiel Qeisha Firmansyah Renitha Dwi Hapsari Renitha Dwi Hapsari Roziana Febrianita Shakira Adriana Handriza Wahyuningtias , Putri Diah Widia Yulianti Yasmin Zahra Zamzamy, Ahmad Zamzamy, Ahmad