JISPO (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik)
JISPO adalah Jurnal ilmiah yang dikelola dan diterbitkan oleh FISIP UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung yang telah terindeks di Moraref, Google Schoolar, Neliti dan Mendeley. Bagi anda yang berminat mengirimkan artikel ilmiah dapat melakukan registrasi sebagai Author dan mengikuti langkah -langkah selanjutnya.
Articles
358 Documents
<![CDATA[Membangun Keberdayaan Nelayan: Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Nelayan Melalui “Kelompok Usaha Bersama Berkah Samudra†di Jepara, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Suwandi, Maygsi Aldian]]>;
<![CDATA[Prihatin, Silverius Djuni]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 10 No. 2 (2020): JISPO Vol 10 No 2 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v10i2.9451
<![CDATA[Indonesia adalah negara dengan wilayah perairan dan bentang pantai yang sangat luas di dunia. Namun, kekayaan alam ini pada kenyataanya belum membuat para nelayan sejahtera. Banyak dari nelayan yang masih hidup dalam kategori miskin. Untuk itu, pemberdayaan nelayan diperlukan untuk mengatasi masalah ini. Artikel ini mengkaji upaya pemberdayaan nelayan dengan fokus pada masyarakat nelayan di Jepara yang mengembangkan Kelompok Usaha Bersama (KUB) Berkah Samudera untuk meningkatkan keberdayaan mereka secara ekonomi dan lingkungan. Dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif-kualitatif, artikel ini mengumpulkan data melalui wawancara dan observasi. Analisis data dilakukan dengan menggunakan perspektif teori pemberdayaan. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa dalam upaya meningkatkan keberdayaan diri mereka, masyarakat nelayan Jepara melalui KUB Berkah Samudera melakukan tiga tahapan pemberdayaan: penyadaran anggota akan potensi yang dimiliki dan pentingnya terus bergerak sebagai sebuah kelompok; peningkatan kapasitas dengan memberikan pelatihan-pelatihan yang menunjang kegiatan nelayan dan keluarganya secara individu maupun sebagai anggota kelompok; dan pendayaan anggota dengan mengupayakan keberdayaan mereka baik dari aspek ekonomi dan sosial.Indonesia is known as a country with vast sea zones and seashores in the world. However, this remarkable natural resource has not brought prosperity to the country’s fishermen and other coastal communities. Most of them live in poverty. Therefore, empowering fishermen and coastal communities is highly needed to overcome the poverty facing them. This article studies the empowerment of fishermen in Indonesia by focusing on the fishermen community in Jepara, which developed efforts to get themselves empowered, known as Kelompok Usaha Bersama Berkah Samudera, in dealing with economic and environmental problems facing them. Employing a descriptive-qualitative method, this study collected the required data through interviews and observation. Data analysis was conducted with the empowerment concept as a theoretical framework. The findings show that in their efforts to empower themselves, the fishermen community in Jepara developed three stages of empowerment: making the fishermen aware of their potential and the importance of the unity among themselves, building capacity through training and activities which were useful and relevant to their needs, and empowering the fishermen in their social and economic lives.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Distrust terhadap Pemerintah pada Masa Pandemik Covid-19: Analisis Perbandingan antara Australia dan Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Christian, Enrico]]>;
<![CDATA[Kosandi, Meidi]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 11 No. 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.10420
<![CDATA[Political trust is important for government in its attempt to implement policies that require the participation of its citizens. During Covid-19 pandemic, trust in government contributes to the decrease of the perception of Covid-19 risks, the increase of public obedience and willingness to do measures of Covid-19 prevention, and the reduction of mortality rate. In regard to this, data show there has been change in the trend of political distrust before and during the Covid-19 in Australia and Indonesia. Using a qualitative approach with data collection methods of library research and online media investigation, this article examines factors that contribute to different trend in political distrust facing Prime Minister Scott Morrison and his government in Australia and President Joko Widodo and his administration in Indonesia before and during Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. Employing Bertsou’s theory of political distrust, this article argues that factors contribute to the different trend in political distrust facing Australia and Indonesia before and during Covid-19 pandemic are the competency of each government in responding to Covid-19 pandemic especially their ability to slow down the spread of Covid-19 and reduce the mortality rate of Covid-19, government’s transparency of Covid-19 data, and the government’s interest.]]>
<![CDATA[Problem Realisasi Kebijakan Smart City di Indonesia: Kasus Kota Bandar Lampung ]]>
<![CDATA[Handayani, Dwi Wahyu]]>;
<![CDATA[Syafarudin, Syafarudin]]>;
<![CDATA[Muflihah, Lilih]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 11 No. 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.10765
<![CDATA[This article examines government capacity in realizing smart city with a special reference to Bandar Lampung City, Indonesia, especially in the aspects of smart governance and smart people (social and human capital). The method used was qualitative with interviews and survey as data collection techniques. Using the concept of smart city and governance, this article shows that in realizing smart governance, Bandar Lampung government tended to focus on infrastructure development, which did fully involve the development of the quality of human resources and social capital, and was not based on community problems and the state mission of education and health development. The infrastructure development did not fully provide people with a good quality of administration, education and health services, and neglected social and environmental issues. These problems with smart governance caused the low public trust to government, which was an important social capital of the working of smart people.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia dalam Sengketa Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act: Analisis Two-Level Game Theory ]]>
<![CDATA[Ismail, Achmad]]>;
<![CDATA[Keliat, Makmur]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 11 No. 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.10844
<![CDATA[This article explains why the Indonesian government did not retaliate the USA according to the DSB WTO authorization, but rather opted to retaliate in the form of signing a mutually agreed solution/MoU in the case of the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act (FSPTCA). FSPTCA was regarded as a discriminatory act issued by the USA against Indonesia’s clove cigarettes. Indonesia responded by disputing it into the Dispute Settlement Body World Trade Organization (DSB WTO). The USA was found guilty because it violated the WTO principle of non-discrimination and so that it was ordered to comply with the Panel and Appellate Body’s recommendation. Indonesia then requested DSB WTO authorization to carry out retaliation. However, Indonesia did not retaliate according to DSB WTO authorization, but rather opted to sign a mutually agreed solution/MoU (Moratorium of Understanding) to end the FSPTCA trade dispute. Using two-level game theory as its analytical framework, this article argued that Indonesia decision to sign a mutually agreed solution instead of retaliation against the USA was driven by the fact that agreement was considered much more significant and suitable to Indonesia interests.]]>
<![CDATA[Kedekatan Cina-Jepang di Tengah Perang Dagang Cina-Amerika Serikat pada 2018-2019: Analisis Teori Complex Interdependence ]]>
<![CDATA[Aini, Resi Qurrata]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 11 No. 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.11567
<![CDATA[This article explains why countries change their foreign policy from previously antagonistic to cooperative one focusing on the change in bilateral relationship between China and Japan amidst escalating trade wars between USA and China in 2018-2019. In doing so, it uses a qualitative method with a single case study approach. Relevant data were collected through literature study method from various official statements and documents of related countries. Using the theory of complex interdependence as its analytical framework, this article shows that amidst escalating trade wars between USA and China, China and Japan developed a closer bilateral relationship, especially in economic cooperation. Both countries benefitted a lot from these close bilateral ties. This was made possible because China-Japan realized that they experienced complex interdepency so that instead of conflict and antagonism, cooperation was the best policy for both countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Dinasti Politik pada Pemilihan Bupati Kabupaten Batanghari 2020: Analisis Perilaku Pemilih ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad, Hatta Abdi]]>;
<![CDATA[Anggara, Dony]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 11 No. 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.11739
<![CDATA[The phenomenon of political dynasty is one of important topics in political studies in Indonesia. This article examines how political elite attempt to preserve their power with a special reference to the case of Batang Hari regency in Jambi province, Indonesia. Using descriptive qualitative method, this article shows that political dynasty is made possible due to economic factors as well as traditional charteristics of voters. Accute social and economic condition facing communities such as low income and education contributed to the the rise and preservation of elite’s political dynasty. All this has resulted in the pragmatic and instant attitude within communities and the irrationality of voters’ behavior that in turn provided elite with opportunities to maintain their political dynasty.]]>
<![CDATA[Rendahnya Dukungan terhadap Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan di Sumatera Barat, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Afriandi, Fadli]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 11 No. 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.11903
<![CDATA[Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI Perjuangan) is a strong party in Indonesia winning three presidential elections in 1999, 2014 and 2019. However, it got low people’s votes in some provinces like Sumatera Barat. This article explains why PDI Perjuangan got little votes in Sumatera Barat by using the concept of populism as its analytical framework. The required data were collected through interviews and literature study, and were analyzed through qualitative approach. This article argues that the loss of PDI Perjuangan in presidential elections in Sumatera Barat is closely related to the people’s perception of the party as less populist than its competing parties. The people of Sumatera believed that PDI Perjuangan had no sensitivity to their unique characteristics and developed party identities and policy that were considered in contradiction with their social and cultural background. This impacted on Joko Widodo’s low support and votes in 2014 and 2019 presidential elections. He was perceived to have leadership style and characteristics that were not in line with the expectation of Sumatera Barat people, and have issued policies considered unsupportive of people interest.]]>
<![CDATA[Proletariat Digital dalam Citizen Journalism: Kasus Kompasiana ]]>
<![CDATA[Husbuyanti, Irma Elmira]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 11 No. 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.12201
<![CDATA[The trend of citizen journalism in Indonesia has increased since the emergence of amateur videos of the Aceh tsunami in 2004. This is considered as a momentum of new democracy in media because it allows public to independently produce and disseminate information without being intervened by agendasetting of mainstream media. The power of publication was seen to shift from mainstream media to personal ones. However, this trend of citizen journalism changed as it begun to be co-opted by mainstream media in the form of a user-generated content platform in 2008. This paper examines changes in citizen journalism which is managed by mainstream media by focusing on Kompasiana of Kompas Gramedia Group as its unit of analysis. Using Van Djik’s Critical Discourse Analysis and Marxist political economy of media as theoretical approach, it shows that the involvement of mainstream media in citizen journalism is not only seen as a collaboration, but also construction of digital labor. This can be explained by looking at three aspects of Kompasiana commodification practices: regulations, wages, and working hours.]]>
<![CDATA[Demokrasi Hibrid: Pemikiran Yasraf Amir Piliang tentang Demokrasi Indonesia di Era Digital ]]>
<![CDATA[Indianto S., Dimas]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurasih, Wiji]]>;
<![CDATA[Witro, Doli]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 11 No. 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.12253
<![CDATA[Although it has been implemented for more than two decades since Reformasi 1998, democracy in Indonesia has not been fully established in terms of its principles, ethics, philosphy and orientation. There has been a variety of interpretation and narration of democracy in Indonesia in line of its various actors and supporters. The coming of digital era is making the Indonesian democracy more challenging. Therefore, there is a need for a new concept of democracy that can accommodate all forces of modernity and the specific nature of Indonesia. This article explains a form of democracy offered by Yasraf Amir Piliang as a model of Indonesian demoracy in digital era. Indonesia should apply a form of democracy that maintains national identity while keeps up with modernity in its attempt to realise people sovereignty. This article concludes that hybrid democracy in the forms of liberative, agonistic, autonomous and counter democracies is an appropriate model to implement in Indonesia in the digital era.]]>
<![CDATA[Hubungan Luar Negeri Aktor Subnasional: Kasus Kabupaten Garut di Indonesia dan Damyang-gun di Korea Selatan ]]>
<![CDATA[Shafiyah, Haritsa]]>;
<![CDATA[Alam, Gilang Nur]]>;
<![CDATA[Affandi, R. M. T. Nurhasan]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 11 No. 2 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 2 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i2.12805
<![CDATA[This article explains how foreign relations are carried out by subnational actors in Indonesia. In carrying out foreign relations or other international activities, subnational actors must follow the rules and regulations set by the central government. For example, Kabupaten Garut, one of Indonesia’s sub-national actors, carries out foreign relations with Damyang-gun, South Korea, based on the existing national laws and regulations on foreign relations. This foreign relationship occurs because both Garut and Damyang-gun need each other to fulfil their own interests. This article discusses this foreign relations by using Christopher Whytock’s theory of transgovernmentalism and Alexander Kuznetsov’s paradiplomacy view. Employing a descriptive-analytic method, this article collected its required data through interviews and literature study. The findings show that as seen in the case of Garut and Damyang-gun foreign relations by sub-national actors that are carried out based rules and regulations resulted in positive outcomes for both the regional and central governments.]]>
