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KEPENTINGAN INDONESIA BELUM MERATIFIKASI KONVENSI 1951 DAN PROTOKOL 1967 MENGENAI PENGUNGSI INTERNASIONAL DAN PENCARI SUAKA Afriandi, Fadli; Nizmi, Yusnarida Eka
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 1, No 1: WISUDA FEBRUARI 2014
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

This research discusses about the Indonesia’s Interest Unratified Yet The Convention 1951 and Protocol 1967 about International Refugees and asylum seekers. Indonesia is a strategic place to visit by international refugees and asylum seekers with the geographic condition of Indonesia. Indonesian is not partner from Convention 1951 and Protocol 1967. So Indonesian doesn’t have in handling international refugees and asylum seekers. But Indonesian’s gets active role in this case handling. For example, the case handling of refugee from Vietnam and Timor Leste. Indonesian experiences obstacle in haldling of this case like case like deciding refugee status that is still decided by UNHCR. If Indonesian ratifies it, so there are some usefuls like refugee problem resolving and more comprehensive asylum seekers. Until now Indonesian still faces by international refugees and asylum seekers. The author analyzes this case by finding data and facts through some literatures. The literature were collected from books, journals, media and website. Theory that is used in analyzing ungratified yet Convention 1951 and Protocol 1967 about Refugees International and asylum seekers is the theory of foreign policy with the rational actor models by Graham T. Allison. From this research can be seen as for the Indonesia’s Interest ungratified yet Convention 1951 and Protocol 1967 about International Refugees and asylum seekers is Indonesia has not been able to handle properly internally displaced persons. Other supporting factors such as the ability of the state, the phenomenon of refugees and asylum seekers to the effects of economic, social and security.Keywords: convention, protocol, internally displaced persons, refugee, asylum seeker
Rendahnya Dukungan terhadap Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan di Sumatera Barat, Indonesia Fadli Afriandi
JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.11903

Abstract

Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI Perjuangan) is a strong party in Indonesia winning three presidential elections in 1999, 2014 and 2019. However, it got low people’s votes in some provinces like Sumatera Barat. This article explains why PDI Perjuangan got little votes in Sumatera Barat by using the concept of populism as its analytical framework. The required data were collected through interviews and literature study, and were analyzed through qualitative approach. This article argues that the loss of PDI Perjuangan in presidential elections in Sumatera Barat is closely related to the people’s perception of the party as less populist than its competing parties. The people of Sumatera believed that PDI Perjuangan had no sensitivity to their unique characteristics and developed party identities and policy that were considered in contradiction with their social and cultural background. This impacted on Joko Widodo’s low support and votes in 2014 and 2019 presidential elections. He was perceived to have leadership style and characteristics that were not in line with the expectation of Sumatera Barat people, and have issued policies considered unsupportive of people interest.
VIETNAM DAN INDONESIA DI AWAL PANDEMI COVID-19 Rizky Octa Putri Charin; Fadli Afriandi
Pro Patria: Jurnal Pendidikan, Kewarganegaraan, Hukum, Sosial, dan Politik Vol 4 No 2 (2021): PRO PATRIA: Jurnal Pendidikan, Kewarganegaraan, Hukum, Sosial dan Politik
Publisher : Pendidikan Pancasila dan Kewarganegaraan, FKIP, Universitas Banten Jaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47080/propatria.v4i2.1295

Abstract

Abstract This paper is a comparative study between Vietnam and Indonesia in handling COVID-19. The comparison between the two countries is viewed from the political approach of the government. The aim is to find out how to handle the crisis in two countries that have different political and governmental systems. The main finding of this study is that countries with communist (centralized) forms of government have better command and coordination, compared to democratic (decentralized) countries when facing a crisis, in this case study COVID-19. This paper is a qualitative research with data collection techniques is literature study. There are differences in responses that have an impact on handling in Indonesia and Vietnam. This difference in handling is related to the centralized system of communism or one command that makes clear and firm instructions in dealing with COVID-19 so that victims can be minimized. In contrast to Vietnam, Indonesia as a decentralized democracy has a slow pace and different policies between the center and the regions. This condition causes confusion in coordination so that people experience misinformation in their understanding of COVID-19, which then has an impact on increasing the number of positive cases of COVID-19.
PRO KONTRA PROSES PENGESAHAN UU NO. 16 TAHUN 2017, SERTA IMPLEMENTASI DAN IMPLIKASINYA TERHADAP ORGANISASI MASYARAKAT Fadli Afriandi; Fachriza Ariyadi
AS-SIYASAH: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Dan Ilmu Politik Vol 6, No 1 (2021): (Mei) AS SIYASAH - Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Dan Ilmu Politik
Publisher : UPT Publikasi Dan Pengelolaan Jurnal Universitas Islam Kalimantan MAB Banjarmasin

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31602/as.v6i1.4311

Abstract

This paper looks at how a public policy process is issued, implemented, and its implications. The policy issued was the stipulation of Law no. 16 of 2017 (Law on community organizations) in lieu of Perppu No. 2 of 2017 (Perppu for community organizations). The main thesis proposed in this paper is that the policy of passing the law on community organizations is an attempt by the state to protect the Pancasila ideology, which is the sole ideology in Indonesia. This paper is prepared using qualitative methods by collecting data through Library Research. The findings of this study are that the issuance of the first law on community organizations cannot be separated from debates in parliament. The parties in parliament are inconsistent with their party ideology. Supporting or rejecting the law on community organizations is based on the pragmatic interests of the party. Secondly, the existence of the Community Organization Law makes it difficult for community organizations to stand and makes it easier for the government to dissolve community organizations that are not under Indonesian ideology. Third, the first community organization that was dissolved after the law on community organizations took effect was the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).
EFEK DOMINO PASCA DIBANGKITKANNYA KESULTANAN KUTAI KARTANEGERA ING MARTADIPURA Fadli Afriandi; Fachriza Ariyadi
REFORMASI Vol 10, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : Universitas Tribhuwana Tunggadewi

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33366/rfr.v10i2.1919

Abstract

Tulisan ini adalah kajian politik identitas yang bertujuan untuk melihat efek domino yang terjadi ketika rezim pemerintahan di tingkat lokal membangkitkan kembali lembaga formal yang dulu pernah hadir di daerah tersebut. Tulisan ini mengajukan tesis utama bahwa identitas dibangkitkan sebagai alat bagi penguasa dalam merebut, mempertahankan, dan menunjukkan kekuasaan. Lembaga formal yang dihidupkan kembali adalah Kesultanan Kutai Kartanegara yang dibubarkan akibat diberlakukannya Undang-Undang Darurat No. 3 Tahun 1953 dan Undang-Undang No. 27 Tahun 1959 tentang pembentukan daerah tingkat II di Kalimantan. Tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan kulturalisme dengan pandangan instrumentalisme menggunakan metode kualitatif. Teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi kepustakaan. Temuan dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa rezim membangkitkan kesultanan adalah untuk mendukung proses elektoral dalam pemilihan kepala daerah. Namun tujuan itu tidak tercapai karena Kesultanan Kutai Kartanegara mendukung kerabat kesultanan yang juga ikut dalam proses elektoral tersebut.  Dengan keadaan seperti itu terjadi pergesekan antara rezim pemerintah Kutai Kartanegara dengan Kesultanan Kutai Kartanegara. Akibatnya hajatan tahunan kesultanan (Festival Erau) selama tiga tahun (2004-2006) terhenti karena ketergantungan anggaran pihak kesultanan dengan pemerintah.This paper is a study of identity politics that aims to see the domino effect that occurs when government regimes at the local level revive formal institutions that were once present in the area. This paper proposes the main thesis that primordial identity is raised as a tool for rulers to seize, defend, and show power. The formal institution that was revived was the Kutai Kartanegara Sultanate, which once existed as a state institution and was dissolved due to the enactment of Emergency Law No. 3 of 1953 and Law No. 27 of 1959 concerning the formation of second-level regions in Kalimantan. This paper uses the approach of culturalism with an instrumentalist view that uses qualitative methods and data collection techniques through literature study. The results of this study indicate that the regime arousing the empire was to support the electoral process in regional elections. However, that goal was not achieved because the Sultanate of Kutai Kartanegara supported the Sultanate's relatives who also participated in the electoral process. Under such circumstances there was a friction between the government regime of Kutai Kartanegara and the Sultanate of Kutai Kartanegara. As a result, the annual celebration of the empire (Erau Festival) for three years (2004-2006) was stopped due to the dependence of the Sultanate's budget on the government.
KAUM PELANGI: KONSTRUKSI IDENTITAS LGBT MELALUI WARNA PELANGI Fadli Afriandi; Rizky Octa Putri Charin; Fachriza Ariyadi
JURNAL TRIAS POLITIKA Vol 6, No 2 (2022): Oktober 2022, Jurnal Trias Politika
Publisher : Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Politik Universitas Riau Kep

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33373/jtp.v6i2.4514

Abstract

Penelitian ini adalah kajian politik identitas yang bertujuan untuk melihat bagaimana warna mampu membentuk identitas suatu komunitas. Tesis utama dalam penelitian ini adalah bahwa warna pelangi yang merupakan simbol kaum LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexsual dan Transgender) mampu mengkontruksi identitas baru mereka yang kemudian dikenal dengan Kaum Pelangi. Tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan kulturalisme dengan model konstruktivisme. Teknik pengumpulan data adalah melalui wawancara dan studi kepustakaan. Temuan dari penelitian ini adalah self-narrations dan other narrations membentuk identitas baru kelompok LGBT sebagai Kaum Pelangi. Pembentukan identitas dari narasi internal dengan menggunakan warna pelangi untuk bendera dan adanya perayaan yang dikenal dengan Pride Day (month). Untuk narasi eksternal adalah kampanye dukungan yang dilakukan oleh perusahaan populer dunia dalam produk baru yang dikeluarkan dan adanya ciri khas warna pelangi di media sosial seperti facebook, Instagram, dan Whatsapp serta adanya barang-barang populer menggunakan warna pelangi khas LGBT.
AKUNTABILITAS PENGELOLAAN KEUANGAN PARTAI POLITIK LOKAL ACEH Ikhwan Rahmatika Latif; Ikhsan; Fadli Afriandi; Akmal Saputra; Yeni Sri Lestari
Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science Vol 8 No 1 (2022): Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Pemerintahan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22373/jai.v8i1.1790

Abstract

The formation of local political parties in Aceh is an example of an asymmetrical political policy being carried out by the Indonesian government in relation to Aceh's status as a region with a special autonomy. In that situation, the concept of accountability inside national political parties needs to be discussed as well in order to figure out how local party accountability is applied in Aceh. When it comes to the presentation of data connected to outcomes that have been produced by earlier researchers, this study makes use of the documentation approach. According to the conclusions of this study of Aceh's local political parties, the level of accountability and transparency that has been maintained by Aceh's local political parties in general has been pretty satisfactory. Even though in general terms the provisions are still not as good as they should be, the Aceh Party has become the most complete in carrying out its principle of financial accountability. This is the case despite the fact that the Aceh Party has become the most comprehensive.
Interaksi Aktor Institusi Formal dan Informal (Studi Kasus: Tim 11 dalam Pemerintahan Kutai Kartanegara) Fadli Afriandi; Rizky Octa Putri Charin; Fachriza Ariyadi
Madika: Jurnal Politik dan Governance Vol. 1 No. 1 (2021): Madika: Jurnal Politik dan Governance
Publisher : Program Studi Pemikiran Politik Islam, Fakultas Ushuluddin, Adab, dan Dakwah IAIN Palu

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24239/madika.v1i1.688

Abstract

Tulisan ini menganalisis asal mula hadir dan bekerjanya kelompok informal (Tim 11) dalam lembaga pemerintahan formal di Kabupaten Kutai Kartanegara. Awal hadirnya Tim 11 ini berperan sebagai tim ahli dari Syaukani Hasan Rais. Namun setelah pemilihan kepala daerah yang dimenangkan oleh Rita Widyasari, Tim 11 justru berubah menjadi patron di tubuh pemerintahan Kutai Kartanegara. Tesis utama tulisan ini adalah hadirnya Tim 11 telah mencederai peran dan fungsi pemerintah Kutai Kartanegara selaku institusi formal. Tulisan ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan Teknik pengumpulan data dengan wawancara dan dokumen. Teori yang digunakan adalah analisis sistem politik yang dikemukakan oleh David A. Easton dan diperkuat dengan teori patron-klien. Temuan dari tulisan ini adalah Tim 11 hadir karena bentukan dari bupati sebelumnya yaitu Syaukani HR karena adanya relasi patron dan klien di antara keduanya. Relasi yang ini justru berubah setelah Rita Widyasari menjadi bupati Kutai Kartanegara pada tahun 2010. Tim 11 yang pada awalnya berperan sebagai klien, setelah lengsernya Syaukani HR, bergeser sebagai patron yang memiliki kekuasaan lebih besar dibandingkan Rita Widyasari selaku bupati terpilih Kutai Kartanegara.
PERANAN MASYARAKAT SIPIL DALAM DEMOKRASI : Studi Kasus: LSM Kelompok Kerja 30 dan Jaringan Advokasi Tambang dalam Permasalahan Korupsi di Kota Samarinda – Kalimantan Timur Tahun 2014 Fadli Afriandi; Fachriza Ariyadi
Madika: Jurnal Politik dan Governance Vol. 3 No. 1 (2023): MADIKA: Jurnal Politik dan Governance
Publisher : Program Studi Pemikiran Politik Islam, Fakultas Ushuluddin, Adab, dan Dakwah IAIN Palu

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24239/madika.v3i1.1902

Abstract

Tulisan ini menjelaskan peran masyarakat sipil dalam pembangunan demokrasi di Indonesia. Masyarakat sipil ini tergabung dalam Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat (LSM) yang berkontribusi dalam pengawasan terhadap kinerja pemerintahan, terutama korupsi. LSM yang dimaksud dalam tulisan ini adalah Kelompok Kerja 30 (Pokja 30) dan Jaringan Advokasi Tambang (JATAM) yang berfokus kepada masalah pencegahan, penanganan dan pengendalian kasus korupsi. Diambilnya lokus penelitian di Samarinda ini karena merupakan ibukota provinsi Kalimantan Timur dimana merupakan daerah yang berbasis kepada industri, minyak bumi dan pertambangan. Dengan demikian dapat diindikasikan bahwa Kota Samarinda memiliki pendapatan asli daerah yang besar. Tulisan ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan Library Research. Temuan dari tulisan ini adalah peran masyarakat sipil dalam kehidupan demokrasi sangatlah diperlukan sebagai kontrol sosial dalam sebuah negara yang dapat mendorong proses demokrasi menjadi semakin baik. Hadirnya LSM Pokja 30 dan JATAM di wilayah Samarinda telah berhasil membentuk kontribusi nyata yang berperan sebagai perantara dalam menjalankan fungsi kontrol di rezim demokrasi saat ini. LSM ini membantu dan menjaga demokrasi untuk melakukan pencegahan, penanganan dan pengendalian korupsi dengan mengupayakan adanya aksi yang bersifat memediasi hubungan antara masyarakat dengan pemerintah atau negara, antara masyarakat dengan LSM dan antar LSM sendiri dengan masyarakat.
Socialization on the Urgency of Establishing the Keujruen Blang Customary Institution Towards an Inclusive Farmer Community Nellis Mardhiah; Nodi Marefanda; Alimas Jonsa; Fadli Afriandi
Bubungan Tinggi: Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Vol 6, No 2 (2024)
Publisher : Universitas Lambung Mangkurat

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20527/btjpm.v6i2.10454

Abstract

The people of Blang Geunang often face challenges in their profession as rice farmers. In Gampong Blang Geunang, the community experiences problems with crop failure caused by pests and diseases, limited knowledge, and conflicts with wildlife. Community service activities provide theoretical and practical knowledge to the people of Blang Geunang in the establishment of Keujruen Blang customary institutions. The method for implementing research-based community service activities is through a SMART approach that shows explicitly what will be achieved and how to achieve it. This activity is a Focus Group Discussion, which goes through the planning, implementation, and evaluation stages. This activity was held on October 4, 2023, in the Gampong Blang Geunang meeting hall. Participants who attended consisted of government elements (gampong, sub-district, and district), the Aceh Traditional Council, farmer groups, and the general public. This activity discovered that the Blang Geunang gampong does not yet have a Keujruen Blang traditional institution due to a lack of understanding of the laws and regulations and the Qanun as its derivative. This activity resulted in public awareness of the positive impact of the formation of traditional institutions on the profession of farming communities. The positive impacts obtained include clear regulations regarding rice field activities, the availability of solutions if conflicts occur, legal protection, and the management of rice fields based on local wisdom. Due to the magnitude of the impact felt, the community agreed to form the Keujruen Blang traditional institution. The presence of this traditional institution makes the community inclusive in the management of rice fields in Gampong Blang Geunang.