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Contact Name
Bayu Adhinata
Contact Email
bayuadhinata@warmadewa.ac.id
Phone
+6281237112500
Journal Mail Official
bayuadhinata@warmadewa.ac.id
Editorial Address
Jl. Terompong 24 Tanjung Bungkak Denpasar Bali, Indonesia
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Kota denpasar,
Bali
INDONESIA
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan
Published by Universitas Warmadewa
ISSN : 27768036     EISSN : 27768023     DOI : 10.22225/politicos
Core Subject : Social,
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan adalah jurnal ilmiah yang menerbitkan artikel orisinal berdasarkan pengetahuan, penelitian, dan penelitian terapan terkini serta perkembangan ilmiah terkini di bidang politik, pemerintahan, politik internasional, kebijakan, pemilu, partai politik, konflik, masyarakat sipil, dan terbuka untuk semua pendekatan metodologis dan penggunaan teoretis. Jurnal ini terbuka untuk akademisi, mahasiswa pascasarjana, praktisi, dan individu yang memiliki minat pada isu-isu sosial politik. Jurnal ini diterbitkan 2 kali dalam satu tahun pada bulan Maret dan September, naskah yang diajukan dan siap diterbitkan akan diterbitkan secara online secara bertahap dan versi cetak akan dirilis pada akhir periode penerbitan.
Articles 61 Documents
The Trajectory of Bali Democracy Forum: Indonesia’s Soft Power and Nation Branding Intentilia, Anak Agung Mia
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan 45-56
Publisher : Universitas Warmadewa

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22225/politicos.5.1.2025.45-56

Abstract

As one of the largest Muslim-majority countries with an emerging economy, the conversation regarding Indonesia’s democracy has always been intriguing. The path of Indonesia’s democratic values has evolved from Independence Day to the current globalization era. In addition to examining Indonesia’s domestic reforms, the contemporary issues of this country’s role in shaping the regional architecture of democracy have also expanded to the realm of international relations. In 2008, Indonesia initiated the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) as an annual platform to promote dialogue-based cooperation and uphold the values of peace and democracy. Since its inception, the BDF has been conducted 15 times, with the latest forum held in 2023 under the theme “Democracy in a Changing World: Leadership and Solidarity.” This paper aims to explore key features of the BDF’s trajectory, including its key topics, institutional approach, and the involvement of both state and non-state actors. Furthermore, this paper will investigate to what extent the BDF supports the improvement of Indonesia’s democracy and how it positions Indonesia on the regional and global stage. This research will employ a qualitative method, drawing secondary data sources. Secondary data will be collected from the documents available on the official website of BDF, academic journals, and online news media. Ultimately, this paper aims to provide an analysis of whether the BDF is merely a normative agenda or whether it contributes substantial values to Indonesia’s democratic principles and beyond. Given the argument that democracy is declining in many parts of the world, it is worth discussing the trajectory of Indonesia’s democracy, particularly within the context of the BDF. This paper found that the value of Indonesia is being promoted through BDF, including Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, or Unity in Diversity; tolerance and harmony; as well as emphasizing the importance of dialogue in this Forum, without forcing any specific democratic system. Albeit its leadership in promoting democracy is being recognized, challenges and criticism towards BDF remain.
Polarization of Muslim Voters in the 2024 Regional Elections in North Maluku Deni, Aji
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan 26-44
Publisher : Universitas Warmadewa

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22225/politicos.5.1.2025.26-44

Abstract

Political polarization among Muslim voters in the 2024 Regional Elections (Pilkada) in North Maluku is a complex phenomenon shaped by the legacy of historical conflicts (1999–2002), religious identity, and colonial power structures. This study aims to analyze 18 dimensions of polarization across 10 regencies/cities in North Maluku and examine whether electoral preference differences are primarily driven by ideological factors or pragmatic considerations. Employing an exploratory qualitative approach, the study combines a Likert-scale survey (60 Muslim respondents), in-depth interviews with 10 key informants (academics, religious leaders, and politicians), and secondary document analysis. The theoretical framework includes political polarization theories in elections, particularly those highlighting the relationship between religious authority and political power as well as the role of historical trauma in shaping political loyalty. The findings reveal that political polarization in North Maluku is largely influenced by ethno-religiohistorical factors, such as the electoral dominance of the historical sultanate, whose authority has been eroding, and the society’s deep-rooted attachment to collective memories of past conflicts. Contrary to global polarization patterns often driven by economic or class-based ideological divides, economic factors have a limited impact in this context, indicating a phenomenon of performative economism—economic rhetoric without concrete policies. Meanwhile, distrust toward political elites further deepens identity fragmentation, reinforcing the unique nature of polarization in the region. This study concludes that political polarization in postcolonial societies such as North Maluku requires a contextual approach that considers the entanglement of history, religion, and geography. Further research is recommended in other regions of Eastern Indonesia or in Southeast Asian countries with similar socio-political dynamics. Additionally, depolarization strategies based on historical reconciliation and the strengthening of inclusive political platforms should be developed to mitigate persistent identity-based tensions.  
China-South Pacific Relations: China’s Approach in China-Pacific Island Countries Economic Development and Cooperation Forum Kristianto, Yohanes Ivan Adi; Fachrie, Muhammad; Atmojo, Wijoseno Cahyo; Rif’an, Ahmad
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan 13-25
Publisher : Universitas Warmadewa

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22225/politicos.5.1.2025.13-25

Abstract

People's Republic of China or commonly known as China has been transformed as one of the respected rising powers. China's hegemony in various regions is strongly supported by its economic power and military strength. The strength of these two aspects has influenced China's growing political power in international politics. In the economic aspect, China strengthens its influence by establishing economic cooperation relations with various international entities, including the Pacific Island countries. One form of such cooperation is the China-Pacific Island Countries Economic Development and Cooperation Forum. This research aims to answer the question of why China is attempting to intensify economic cooperation with Pacific Island countries. The authors decided to focus on the research with time scope 2011-2019 because China began to intensify the cooperation since 2011. Meanwhile, China's offer of financial assistance was last identified in 2019, so that year is selected to be the limit for the research focus. Furthermore, the conceptual framework utilized is regime formation and regional hegemon. We argue that the cooperation undergone by China in South Pacific is to establish an economic cooperation regime. By establishing the regime, China intends to become a hegemon in South Pacific, at once decrease the influence of the United States and Australia in that region and secure its political interest in Southeast Asia where this territorial has become a power struggle field between China and the United States.  
ASEAN Vision Beyond 2025 - Challenges and Strategies for an Inclusive Socio-Cultural Community Darmawan, Arif; David Aryodhi; Haliza Nurazizah; Randhi Satria; Virtuous Setyaka
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan 71-85
Publisher : Universitas Warmadewa

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22225/politicos.5.1.2025.71-85

Abstract

The ASEAN Vision beyond 2025 aims to establish an inclusive socio-cultural community (ASCC), yet faces significant hurdles in its implementation. While ASEAN's commitment to socio-cultural integration is commendable, developing a cohesive regional identity remains a critical challenge due to historical grievances, extensive cultural diversity, and persistent socioeconomic inequalities among member states. Previous research has largely identified these issues separately without deeply analyzing their interconnections or the direct impact of economic and security dimensions on the socio-cultural community. This study addresses this research gap by specifically examining how economic disparities and security challenges, including external alliances such as AUKUS and the Quad, affect ASEAN's sociocultural cohesion and shared identity. This research aims to answer the following questions: (1) How do economic disparities among ASEAN member states influence the integration of the socio-cultural community? (2) In what ways do evolving security dynamics impact socio-cultural cohesion within ASEAN? The findings reveal that ASEAN’s sociocultural integration suffers significantly due to the lack of coherent policy synchronization between economic, political-security, and socio-cultural agendas, exacerbated by inadequate monitoring and enforcement mechanisms. Furthermore, the rise of external security alliances undermines ASEAN's centrality, causing internal fragmentation and weakening regional solidarity. To effectively achieve its vision beyond 2025, ASEAN must implement robust cross-sectoral coordination mechanisms, strengthen policy enforcement, promote inclusive participation, and reinforce its capacity to manage external security influences. Only through these targeted strategies can ASEAN build a truly unified and resilient socio-cultural community.   
From Waste to Crisis: The Environmental Security Implications of Jogja Waste Emergency Candra, Ilham Agustian
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan 57-70
Publisher : Universitas Warmadewa

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22225/politicos.5.1.2025.57-70

Abstract

There is a critical waste management crisis in the Special Region of Yogyakarta (DIY) that is popularly referred to as the Darurat Sampah Jogja (Jogja Waste Emergency). The crisis has exacerbated existing problems in waste management and also resulted in devastating environmental effects. The purpose of this study is to examine the degree to which the Jogja Waste Emergency has influenced the environmental impacts on the citizens of Yogyakarta City. This research sheds light on the complex risks of inefficient waste management and their extensive effects through the paradigm of human security, notably in environmental security. The work adopts a qualitative research design consisting of primary and secondary data sources. Primary data are gathered based on in-depth interviews with the primary informants of various background categories among members of affected communities. Simultaneously, secondary data is gathered from policy documents, government and non-government reports, as well as media reports, which all help to contextualize and reinforce the findings. The analysis suggests that the Jogja Waste Emergency was first seen as a crisis marked by the accumulation of waste, and foremost manifesting immediate threat of environmental degradation, health, and disaster risk. But as the issue worsens, wider and more complicated impacts are shown, especially with regard to the pollution of essential natural resources like air and water. Such environmental degradation interferes with daily life, endangering public well-being and stability in urban Yogyakarta. The research stresses the need for comprehensive reforms in waste management, enforcement of stronger policy interventions, and more community involvement to address and minimize the environmental security threats presented by this chronic crisis.  
CHADEMA's 2020 Presidential Election Defeat: Opposition Challenges and CCM's Dominance in Tanzania. Samsony, Antony; Eko Wardani, Sri Budi
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan 86-98
Publisher : Universitas Warmadewa

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22225/politicos.5.2.2025.86-98

Abstract

The analysis investigates the structural obstacles and strategic shortcomings of opposition parties in Tanzania by studying CHADEMA's defeat during the 2020 presidential election and identifying the reasons behind CCM's ongoing political dominance. The study examines how state-undertaken institutions together with electoral processes alongside media bias and bureaucratic procedures create disadvantages for opposition parties while analyzing their internal weaknesses that include ineffective organization and weak grassroots mobilization and inadequate strategic planning. The central question is. Democratic erosion in Tanzania exists through a combination of institutional barriers coupled with shortcomings in opposition parties. The study evaluates electoral information alongside voter conduct and legal structures using empirical evidence while incorporating observations from political officials. The study demonstrates how CCM's dominance of state institutions combined with its control of electoral authorities produces a systematic disadvantage for opposition parties paired with CHADEMA's organizational flaws that reduce its chances of electoral success. The voting patterns across Tanzania's regions demonstrate significant imbalances in opposition backing because of institutional biases and uneven grassroots efforts. This study advances theoretical knowledge about political opposition and democratic backsliding through its findings showing incumbent parties utilize institutional resources to reinforce their power base (Mettler & Lieberman, 2020). The situation demands three changes which include electoral system improvements together with enhanced opposition party capabilities and active international observation of elections to halt Tanzania's democratic deterioration. The analysis has implications for political systems that maintain weaker opposition parties against powerful governing institutions.
Indonesia’s Digital Diplomacy: An Analysis of Penta-Helix Collaborative Governance Fachrie, Muhammad
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan 99-113
Publisher : Universitas Warmadewa

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22225/politicos.5.2.2025.99-113

Abstract

Digital diplomacy in Indonesia is run by a complicated governance structure that includes cooperation between government agencies and non-state actors. It mainly uses social media platforms and online media content to interact with audiences around the world, in contrast to traditional diplomacy, which depends on official state-to-state meetings. Through social media and other channel in internet, Indonesia actively used digital diplomacy to communicate with foreign entities during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite its effectiveness during the pandemic, Indonesia's digital diplomacy governance is still largely unregulated and poorly understood. The purpose of this study is to investigate how Indonesian digital diplomacy ought to be managed with the participation of pertinent parties. The study investigates stakeholder dynamics in digital diplomacy using a qualitative methodology. It uses the penta-helix model of collaborative governance and the idea of digital diplomacy as its theoretical framework. Data triangulation is also used to improve the analysis's depth and dependability. In the end, the results indicate that both state and non-state actors should be a part of Indonesia's digital diplomacy governance, with the government serving as a catalyst and a regulator. The government is obligated to collaborate with the media, industry, academia, and civil society organizations (CSOs). MoFA's strategic planning for 2017 and 2020–2024, government collaboration with various businesses, university discussions on digital diplomacy (such as ITB, UGM and UI), FPCI's role as a CSO, and Kompas and the Jakarta Post's coverage of Indonesia's diplomatic interest are some examples of best practices in the country's digital diplomacy. However, the absence of comprehensive regulation remains a major obstacle to Indonesia's digital diplomacy. The study concludes by highlighting the necessity of a thorough and well-coordinated strategy that capitalizes on the advantages of each of the five penta-helix actors in order to improve the efficacy of digital diplomacy in a world that is becoming more and more digitalized.
Three Faces of the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan in the Omnibus Law Policy of the Job Creation Law Pravito, Agra Septian; Rohman, Ahmad Zaki Fadlur
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan 114-127
Publisher : Universitas Warmadewa

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22225/politicos.5.2.2025.114-127

Abstract

Indonesia’s contemporary political landscape is deeply shaped by the pivotal role of political parties in the formulation of public policy. As the ruling party with one of the largest grassroots constituencies, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-Perjuangan) holds a decisive influence in legislative decision-making. Katz and Peter Mair. These three faces include: the party in public office, the party on the ground, and the party central office. The research employs a qualitative method with a case study approach, based on interviews with party representatives as well as an analysis of documents, news sources, and academic literature. The research was conducted at the PDIP Branch Leadership Councils located in Depok, Tangerang, and East Jakarta. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with key informants and supported by relevant documentation analysis. The findings reveal a clear discrepancy between PDI-Perjuangan’s ideological commitment to public welfare and its parliamentary faction’s support for the Job Creation Law. This contradiction has sparked disappointment among labour groups and party sympathizers. By analyzing the party's three faces, this study uncovers internal tensions which are legislative elites prioritize political pragmatism, the central office struggles to balance control and coherence, while grassroots cadres resist policies seen as betraying party ideals. The study demonstrates that PDI-Perjuangan’s political decisions are shaped by government pressure, economic interests, and internal fragmentation. Ultimately, the research highlights the ongoing dilemma between upholding party idealism and pursuing strategic political compromise in Indonesia’s legislative process.
Sportswashing or Strategic Branding? The Saudi Pro League's Role in Reshaping Global Perceptions of Saudi Arabia Ansori, Imam; Yamin, Muhammad; Darmawan, Arif; Anwar, Soni Martin
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan 164-179
Publisher : Universitas Warmadewa

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22225/politicos.5.2.2025.164-179

Abstract

This study analyzes the change of the Saudi Pro League (SPL) from 2021 to 2024, assessing whether these initiatives represent sportswashing or authentic nation branding. Since 2021, Saudi Arabia has allocated billions into the acquisition of international football talents and the enhancement of facilities, notwithstanding global condemnation of its human rights record. This research utilizes Anholt's nation branding hexagon framework and adopts a qualitative case study technique with comparative aspects, incorporating official documents, public opinion surveys, media content analysis, and tourism statistics. Findings indicate a multifaceted "strategic sports diplomacy" approach that surpasses the simplistic sportswashing/branding dichotomy, yielding disproportionate outcomes across several objectives. Despite SPL's notable commercial success, including airing in over 130 countries, generating over $300 million in annual revenue, and attracting an additional 310,000 tourists, enhancements in reputation within Western markets were limited, especially among viewers emphasizing human rights issues. The study demonstrates a "Western perception paradox," wherein substantial visibility gains did not result in enhanced favorability, while demographic analysis indicates markedly more positive perceptions among younger viewers, active fans, and non-Western demographics. This study enhances the theoretical comprehension of sports diplomacy by illustrating how audience segmentation influences effectiveness across demographic, geographic, and cultural dimensions, thereby contesting simplistic assessments of sports-based nation branding and offering frameworks for analyzing the multifaceted outcomes of modern sports diplomacy.
Stuck in the Smoke: When Carbon Meets Capital in the Global South Hasanal Bolqiah, Luthfi; Jumaynah, Fullah
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan 128-151
Publisher : Universitas Warmadewa

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22225/politicos.5.2.2025.128-151

Abstract

Over the past decade, carbon taxation has emerged as a central instrument in global emission reduction efforts. Yet in many developing countries of the Global South, its implementation has fallen short of the urgency posed by the climate crisis. A significant gap in the literature remains: how industrial resistance and domestic power configurations shape the design and enactment of carbon tax policies. This study examines the dynamics of industrial resistance to carbon taxation in four Global South countries—India, South Africa, Mexico, and South Korea—by highlighting the strategic alliances forged between the state and carbon-intensive industries. This study adopts a qualitative approach, employing a comparative research design to analyze policy documents, statistical data from the World Bank, IEA, and Carbon Pricing Dashboard, along with relevant academic literature. Findings indicate that in all four cases, the state tends not to act as a transformative agent, but rather as a facilitator of fiscal and political compromises with industrial actors. The resulting policies are largely symbolic—characterized by low tax rates, broad exemptions, and the absence of escalation strategies. Framed through the lens of strategic state–capital alliances, this study argues that state–market relations in the Global South cannot be understood purely in technocratic terms, but must be seen as configurations of power that shape the trajectory of energy transitions. These findings offer important theoretical implications for climate policy research and the political economy of development.