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Gagasan Penyempurnaan Lembaga Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia dalam Sistem Parlemen Dua Kamar Rizki Ramadani
PLENO JURE Vol 9 No 1 (2020): Pleno Jure, April
Publisher : LL-DIKTI Wilayah IX Sulawesi

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (346.322 KB) | DOI: 10.37541/plenojure.v9i1.305

Abstract

Berdasarkan Pasal 1 ayat (2) UUD 1945 Sebelum Perubahan dan Penjelasannya, kekuasaan Negara yang tertinggi ada di tangan MPR. Sejak itu telah ada pengakuan bahwa MPR merupakan Lembaga Tertinggi Negara, bahkan sebagai penjelmaan seluruh rakyat Indonesia. Pasca Amandemen, UUD NRI Tahun 1945 resmi menganut pemisahan kekuasaan dengan ‘checks and balances’ yang lebih fungsional. Implikasinya, MPR kehilangan sebagian fungsi dan wewenangnya, dan tidak lagi berkedudukan sebagai lembaga tertinggi negara. Kini, bersamaan dengan munculnya wacana amandemen kelima, timbul pula pembicaraan untuk mereformulasi peran dan kelembagaan MPR. Artikel ini berupaya merespon wacana secara obyektif dengan berupaya memunculkan gagasan penyempurnaan MPR dengan pendekatan konsep parlemen dua kamar. Gagasan tersebut adalah melalui penegasan posisi kelembagaan MPR dalam sistem parlemen dua kamar dan perimbangan kekuasaan antar kamar. Abstract. Based on Article 1 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution Before the Amendment and its Elucidation, the highest state power is in the hands of the MPR. Since then there has been recognition that the MPR is the Supreme State Institution, even as the manifestation of all the people of Indonesia. After the Amendment, the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia officially adopted a more functional separation of powers with more functional checks and balances, making the MPR lost the vital parts of its functions and authority, and no longer has the position of the highest state institution. Now, along with the emergence of the discourse of the fifth amendment, discussions also emerged to reform the role and institutions of the MPR. This article attempts to respond to the discourse objectively by trying to come up with the idea of ​​perfecting the MPR with the concept of a two-chamber parliamentary approach. The ideas were, through the affirmation of the institutional position of the MPR in the two-chamber parliamentary system and the balance of powers between chambers.
Omnibus Law Cipta Kerja dan Implikasinya Terhadap Konsep Dasar Perseroan Terbatas Anggreany Arief; Rizki Ramadani
Al-Adalah: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Islam Vol 6, No 2 (2021)
Publisher : Program Studi Hukum Tata Negara, Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Islam IAIN Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35673/ajmpi.v6i2.1550

Abstract

Terlepas dari beragam kontroversinya, kehadiran Omnibus Law Cipta Kerja setidaknya telah mencabut dua peraturan dan mengubah sedikitnya 80 (delapan puluh) undang-undang yang lain. Salah satu yang ikut terdampak adalah Undang-Undang Nomor 40 Tahun 2007 Tentang Perseroan Terbatas (UU PT). Penelitian ini bermaksud untuk mengkaji seperti apa konsep dan permasalahan yang ada pada omnibus law Cipta Kerja, serta implikasinya terhadap pengaturan dan konsep Dasar Perseroan Terbatas. Studi ini merupakan penelitian normatif (doctrinal) terhadap data sekunder yang diperoleh dari studi pustaka (library research), yang terdiri dari bahan hukum primer dan sekunder. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Omnibus law merupakan metode legislasi dengan cara menyatukan beragam jenis undang-undang ke dalam satu undang-undang khusus. Hal ini berpotensi meniadakan kepentingan yang beragam dari masing-masing undang-undang atas nama satu kepentingan saja. Di samping itu, praktik penyusunannya di Indonesia tidak memiliki dasar yuridis serta melanggar asas keterbukaan dan partisipasi. Dari segi implikasinya terhadap UU PT, sejumlah ketentuan dalam Omnibus law Cipta Kerja telah memperluas makna Perseroan terbatas dengan menghadirkan model Perseroan Perorangan yang melahirkan sejumlah kontradiksi dalam konsep Dasar Perseroan Terbatas, disamping juga menghapus batas modal minimum Perseroan yang dikhawatirkan akan menyebabkan kerentanan bagi kelangsungan usaha.
Environmental Corruption Prevention Policies Through Independent Agencies Mirnawanti Wahab; Rizki Ramadani
Fiat Justisia: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Vol 15 No 4 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Lampung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25041/fiatjustisia.v15no4.2245

Abstract

This article aims to explain the patterns of corruption in the environmental sector (environmental corruption) and the possibility for Independent agencies to address them. Also, to initiate a better policy and supervision against environmental corruption in Indonesia. The research was carried out based on the normative legal method (library research) towards secondary data using a statutory, conceptual, and comparative approach. The results show that the main pattern of environmental corruption involves corrupt actors in bureaucratic institutions that cause weak environmental policies and supervision. The benefit of Independent Agencies with structural and personnel independence is expected to fill the gap in the old bureaucratic management and reduce corruption. The regulatory power of such agencies can also set more stringent environmental policy and supervision. Thus, there needs to be institutional reform in the environmental authorities for future policies by establishing an independent agency. The new agency must also have the power to formulate and enact policies in environmental management and give them authority to investigate and impose sanctions. We also recommend compiling a national strategic program in the form of work synergy between independent agencies in the environmental and anti-corruption sector.
Lembaga Negara Independen Di Indonesia Dalam Perspektif Konsep Independent Regulatory Agencies Rizki Ramadani
Jurnal Hukum IUS QUIA IUSTUM Vol. 27 No. 1: JANUARI 2020
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/iustum.vol27.iss1.art9

Abstract

This study aims to determine the independency of Independent State Institutions (LNI) in Indonesia with the perspective of the concept of Independent Regulatory Agencies (IRAs). In addition, it also analyzes the LNI model that is in line with the concept of IRAs. The number of Independent State Institutions (LNI) in Indonesia has relatively increased since the amendment of the 1945 Constitution. However, the need for institutions that are free from government interference is not accompanied by the formulation of standards and mature institutional design on the aspect of independence as the main characteristic of LNI. This study uses a normative method, with statutory and conceptual approaches. This study concludes that the independence of LNI in Indonesia tends to be non-uniformed. Some institutions meet the aspects of formal independence in the concept of IRAs, but some others still have aspects of regulation that are incomplete. The results of the study of de facto independence also concluded that there were interventions, politicization and resistance from various parties towards the presence and policy of LNI in Indonesia. The LNI model that is in line with the IRAs concept can be done by improving 3 aspects: first, minimizing the authority of the DPR in the selection of LNI leaders, second, providing independent authority, and third, emphasizing the non-partisan provisions in each institutional regulation of LNI.
Independency of the Corruption Eradication Commission of the Republic of Indonesia (KPK RI) in Indicators of Independent Regulatory Agencies (IRAs) Rizki Ramadani; Moch Andry W W Mamonto
Susbtantive Justice International Journal of Law Vol 1 No 2 (2018): Substantive Justice International Journal of Law
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Muslim Indonesia, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (510.395 KB) | DOI: 10.33096/substantivejustice.v1i2.18

Abstract

This research aims to know, analyze, and formulate the independency indicators of independent institutions based on the concept of Independent Regulatory Agencies (IRAs) in advanced countries (United States and Europe). Also as an efforts to examine and see the extent to which independent institutions in Indonesia meet these indicators. This study focuses on KPK institution that are well known as one of independent institutions in Indonesia. Although in practice it often rise the controversy and resistance from many parties. The method used in this legal research is normative legal research, conducted through literature study or secondary data. Data consists of legal materials primary, secondary and tertiary, which are then processed descriptive-prescriptively. The research also uses several approaches such as legal, conceptual, and case approach.
Reformulation of Institutional Relationship between the People’s Representative Council and the Corruption Eradication Commission Rizki Ramadani
Corruptio Vol 2 No 1 (2021)
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Lampung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25041/corruptio.v2i1.2264

Abstract

This study aims to reformulate the institutional relationships between legislative bodies and independent state institutions, by taking case studies of the House of Representatives (DPR) and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). This research was conducted with a normative method using a conceptual and statutory approach. The results showed that the DPR-KPK institutional relationship can be formulated into authority relationship, supervisory relationship and financial relationship. In terms of the authority relationship, the principal-agent approach is used to place DPR as the principal whose duty is to support and provides the resources needed for the KPK as its agent. In this context, the KPK is the recipient of the task whose authority is within the subject of DPR. For the Supervision Relationship, The New Public Management Model (NPM) is used to initiate better supervision through the input and output control mechanism. Input control is carried out by DPR through the legislation and commisoner selection process, while output control is carried out based on accountability reports made by KPK. Thus, DPR is not allowed to intervene while the KPK exercise its duty. In terms of financial relationship, the DPR can regulate funding aspects for KPK through financial legislation. However, this budget politics must be adjusted to the needs and workload in carrying out KPK duties.
Regional Head Election During COVID-19 Pandemic: the Antinomy in the Government Policies Rizki Ramadani; Farah Syah Rezah
Yuridika Vol. 36 No. 1 (2021): Volume 36 No 1 January 2021
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (324.157 KB) | DOI: 10.20473/ydk.v36i1.23528

Abstract

Welcoming the simultaneous regional head election in 2020, it is expected to be an entry point in building a higher quality democracy in Indonesia. Initially, this year's election should be held on September 23. However, this plan must be constrained when the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak occurs and spread wildly all over the world including Indonesia, and was officially declared a pandemic by World Health Organization (WHO). When the number of positive cases and deaths continues to increase, the government decided to continue holding the regional election in the midst of the pandemic. Such policy created controversy and faced several challenges, especially regarding the government's inconsistency in fulfilling the rights of its people in the time of the pandemic. This article aims to explain and analyze the contradiction in the government policies from the antinomy of law and human rights perspective. This legal research is doctrinal research conducted using a conceptual, statutory, and case approach. The data will be described in a descriptive-prescriptive manner through qualitative analysis. The results of the analysis show that there are some contradictions between policies regarding physical distancing (both in the Large-Scale Social Restrictions (PSBB) and Health Protocol regulations) and the policy for holding Regional Head Elections during the pandemic. In essence, this contradiction is the antinomy between the aspects of public health and political rights. Antinomies occur when the government seeks to fulfill and guarantee political rights as well as public rights to health at the same time during a pandemic, which actually leads to mutual negation between these rights.
From Criminal Law to Customary Law: Incest as a Sexual Crime Hijriani Hijriani; Rizki Ramadani
Yuridika Vol. 37 No. 2 (2022): Volume 37 No 2 May 2022
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/ydk.v37i2.32830

Abstract

This study analyses several aspects of incest as a sexual crime, as well as its law enforcement, by comparing criminal law and Bugis customary law. This normative study was conducted by examining primary and secondary legal materials, which were then analysed qualitatively and descriptively. The findings indicate that incest can occur in the form of sexual violence caused by internal and external factors, such as psychological and family condition. Incest also has a very serious impact on victims, especially children. In terms of criminal law, the regulation of incest is spread across several laws such as obscenity in Criminal Code (KUHP); sexual intercourse with children in the Child Protection Law; and sexual violence against a family member in the PKDRT Law. However, in the Bugis customary law, incest is a sexual deviation against dignity and honour (siri’). On that basis, incest is determined as the most severe customary offense (malaweng) and is punishable by the death penalty. In principle, the criminal law and Bugis customary law both consider incest a prohibited sexual deviation. Although there are differences regarding the severity of sanctions against perpetrators, both legal routes have proven to be complementary and can be applied in court.
The Recovery of State Losses through Corruption Asset Confiscation: Policies and Obstacles Syahiruddin Latif; Rizki Ramadani
Iapa Proceedings Conference 2022: Proceedings IAPA International Conference and International Indonesia Conference on Interdisci
Publisher : Indonesian Association for Public Administration (IAPA)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30589/proceedings.2022.703

Abstract

The success of eradicating corruption is measured not only by the success rate of convicting perpetrators, but also by the rate of recovering state losses. The purpose of this article is to explain the government's legal policies regarding the recovery of state losses through the confiscation of corruption assets, as well as the various obstacles to its implementation. This normative/doctrinal study analyzes secondary data in the form of legal materials using conceptual and statutory approaches. A qualitative-prescriptive narrative is used to present the analysis. In general, the Indonesian government has issued a number of regulations that can be used to recover state losses caused by corruption. This is asserted, among other things, in the Criminal Code, the UNCAC, which the Indonesian government has ratified, and Corruption Laws, which stated that the recovery of state losses can be accomplished through both criminal and civil law procedures. However, the existing policies still face some obstacles, both in terms of unclear legal substance, the ability and commitment of law enforcement officials, to the limitations of facilities and infrastructure.
Position of Supervisory Board Organ and Its Implications for the Institutional Corruption Eradication Commission Muh Rinaldy Bima; Rizki Ramadani
LAW REFORM Vol 16, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : PROGRAM STUDI MAGISTER ILMU HUKUM FAKULTAS HUKUM UNIVERSITAS DIPONEGORO SEMARANG

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (152.065 KB) | DOI: 10.14710/lr.v16i2.33770

Abstract

The negative view that the People's Representative Council of Indonesia (DPR) has long been in a constant effort to weaken the Corruption Eradication Comission (KPK), making the revision process of the KPK law until after it is legalized, receives pro and contra. A number of provisions in the new Law of KPK are considered to potentially weaken the independence of the institution, especially concerning the establishment of the so called Supervisory Council. The purpose of this research was to analyze an the position of the Supervisory Council and to explain its implications on the institutional aspects of the KPK.This normative legal research was conducted through a literature study using conceptual and statue approaches, which then analyzed qualitatively. The results show that the new Law of KPK makes the Supervisory Council as an internal supervision organ, but its position had not well formulated yet in the institutional structure. The existence of the Supervisory Council also have some impacts on the institutional aspects of KPK in terms of Institutional and functional independences.