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<![CDATA[Antara Cita-cita Konservasi dan Kerentanan Masuk Sandera Eksploitasi (Kajian Atas Beberapa Judicial Review terhadap UU Kehutanan) ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 8, No 3 (2011) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.31078/jk834
<![CDATA[This paper aims to discuss some decisions of the Constitutional Court on judicial review of the Forestry Law. There are both positive and negative. A positive decision, to my opinion, can seen in No 013/PUU-III/2005 and No 021/PUU-III/2005. The reason I regard as a positive is based on the consequences of decision, which legitimates article about the ban on illegal logging in forests and the confiscation of equipment for stealing wood as constitutional ones. It is supporting conservation.A decision that negatively affects the spirit of conservation is noted in decision No. 003/PUU-II/2005. This ruling tends to prioritize legal certainty for mining companies to resume an open mine system in the preserved forestry. The author saw this one as reflection of the legal policy construction on forestry law that is taken hostage by exploitation interests.This paper, furthermore, tries to uncover the legal policy construction on forestry law as the base of problem sources. Therefore, the author needs to search for not only informations which are in the textual decision, but also ones are beyond it. The larger model of legal policy can be seen from the process of determining emergency condition when formulating the Stipulation of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu), then when changing the Perpu become law, and government regulations concerning forestry post-decision of the Court Number 003/PUU-II/2005.The advantage of this paper is on efforts to uncover the source alignments of forestry law on the big corporation based on decision number 003/PUU-II/2005. It to know this source that could be an important basis to understand why decision of the Constitutional Court on the preserved forest is taken hostage.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebebasan Hak Ijtihad Nikah Beda Agama Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 12, No 3 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.31078/jk1239
<![CDATA[This paper has three key issues. The first issue discusses the arguments constructed by applicant of judicial review (JR) to assess the constitutional rights’ violations caused by the application of Article 2 (1) UUP. The second issue discusses on how the Constitutional Court (MK) seated position of state associated marital affairs in the rejection of JR. The third issue discusses model of freedom of ijtihad (legal thought) on interfaith marriage as the impact of MK’s Decision. Based on the discussion, regarding to the first issue, the applicant of JR assess the application of Article 2 (1) UUP has legitimized the state as the sole interpreters of religious teachings for a requirement validity of the marriage. According to the applicant, the role is used by the state (The Office for Religious Affairs/KUA) to not accept interfaith marriage. This refusal led to the violation of some other constitutional rights. Furthermore, as the findings of the second issue, MK’s decision has placed the real position of state not as interpreters of religious teachings, but merely to accommodate the results of religious scholars’s ijtihad regarding marriage into the state law. Thus, it is not true that the state has violated the constitutional right to more intervene the religious life of citizens. Last findings as the third issue, MK’s decision has affected the model of ijtihad freedom on interfaith marriage. Actually interfaith marriage can still be served through the Civil Registry Office (KCS). KCS could be an alternative way to facilitate the interfaith marriages for all religions in Indonesia. Special for KUA, the institution reject to record interfaith marriage. In this way, it only accommodates freedom of ijtihad within the limits of ijtihad jama’i. KUA just accomodates ijtihad by institutions such as the Majelis Ulama Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah and other similar institutions that reject interfaith marriage. Special for marriage in muslim community, ijtihad jama’i is better than ijtihad fardiy because the second could trigger the liberalization of marriage laws (temporary marriages, polygamy more than four, underage marriages and denial of recording).]]>
<![CDATA[Putusan Nomor 74/PUU-XII/2014 dan Standar Konstitusional Dispensasi Perkawinan ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 14, No 3 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.31078/jk1436
<![CDATA[Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) Nomor 74/PUU-XII/2014 meninggalkan harapan yang belum terpenuhi, yakni rumusan standar konstitusional sebagai pertimbangan dalam pemberian dispensasi umur perkawinan. Makalah ini akan menjawab alasan mengapa MK menolak merumuskannya? dan bagaimana standar konstitusional yang bisa dirumuskan? MK menolak permohonan pemohon judicial review untuk menjadikan kehamilan di luar perkawinan sebagai satu-satunya standar pemberian dispensasi umur perkawinan. Penolakan ini mengisyaratkan MK menganggap bahwa hal itu merupakan open legal policy; suatu saat bisa berubah sesuai dengan kebutuhan dan konteks masyarakat. MK juga tidak menggunakan UUD 1945 untuk merumuskan rumusan standar konstitusional dispensasi perkawinan karena hal itu harus ditempuh melalui legislative review. Sebagai tawaran dari penulis dalam legislative review, standar konstitusionalnya bisa dirumuskan melalui pendekatan hukum non sistematik dan pembacaan maqashid syari’ah. Pertimbangannya harus memperhatikan perlindungan kepentingan agama (Pasal 28E ayat (1) UUD 1945), kepentingan kepastian hukum bagi pelaku (Pasal 28D ayat (1) UUD 1945), kebebasan kehendak dan keyakinan (Pasal 28E ayat (2) UUD 1945), kepentingan kesejahteraan hidup (Pasal 28H ayat (1) UUD 1945), dan hak asasi yang dimiliki keturunan (Pasal 28B ayat (1) UUD 1945).The decision of Constitutional Court Number 74/PUU-XII/2014 leaves the unmet expectations, which is the standard for an exemption in marital age. The paper will provide the answer to the reason why the Court refused to set the standard? And how the Court should formulate it as the constitutional standards? The Court rejected the petitioner arguments in the judicial review case to make pre-marital pregnancy as the only standard to set an exemption of marital age. It suggests that the Court considers it is an “open legal policy”; where the policy may change according to the needs of society. The Court also did not use the Constitution to give the interpretation on the constitutional standard in marital exemption because it must be pursued by way of review by the parliament. The author offers, in term of legislative review, that the standards can be formulated through a non-systematic legal approach and the interpretation of maqashid syari’ah. The arguments should pay attention to the protection of religious interests (Article 28E (1) of the Constitution), the interests of legal certainty of the citizens (Article 28D (1) of the Constitution), free will and belief (Article 28E (2) of the Constitution), the welfare (Article 28H (1) of the Constitution), and the rights of descendants (Article 28B (1) of the 1945 Constitution).]]>
<![CDATA[Norma Pemajuan HAM dan Degradasi Perlindungan Hak Pekerja dalam UU Cipta Kerja ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Al Ahkam Vol. 17 No. 1 (2021): Januari-Juni 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Syariah UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten ]]>
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DOI: 10.37035/ajh.v17i1.4631
<![CDATA[Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2020 tentang Cipta Kerja (UU Cipta Kerja) telah mengganti beberapa undang-undang, salah satunya adalah Undang-Undang Nomor 13 Tahun 2003 tentang Ketenagakerjaan (UU Ketenagakerjaan). Pengubahan ini tekah berimplikasi pada perubahan perlindungan hak pekerja. Beberapa hak pekerja yang mengalami perubahan adalah ketentuan outsorcing, pengupahan, pesangon, Perjanjian Kerja dengan Waktu Tertentu, dan Pemutusan Hubungan Kerja. Penelitian ini mempunyai rumusan masalah: bagaimana perbedaan aturan hak pekerja dalam UU Ketenagakerjaan dan UU Cipta Kerja? dan bagaimana perbedaan tersebut ditinjau dari prinsip HAM? Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif. Penelitian ini mengambil kesimpulan sebagai berikut. Pertama, perlindungan hak pekerja dalam UU Cipta Kerja lebih lemah dibandingkan perlindungan dalam UU Ketenagakerjaan. Kedua, ditinjau dari prinsip HAM, perubahan tersebut merupakan degradasi perlindungan hak pekerja yang bertentangan dengan prinsip pemajuan HAM yang bisa ditemukan dalam UUD 1945.]]>
<![CDATA[Presumption of Innocent v. Presumption of Guilt dalam Hak Asasi Manusia ]]>
<![CDATA[Mada Apriandi Zuhir]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurhidayatuloh Nurhidayatuloh]]>;
<![CDATA[Annisa Fitri Arum]]>;
<![CDATA[Nyimas Olivia]]>;
<![CDATA[Fatimatuz Zuhro]]>;
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Simbur Cahaya VOLUME 26 NOMOR 2, DESEMBER 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sriwijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.28946/sc.v26i2.539
<![CDATA[Asas presumption of guilt menjadi semakin menarik untuk dibahas sebagai respon dari ketidakpuasan asas presumption of innocent untuk diterapkan dalam kasus-kasus tertentu. Apalagi asas presumption of innocent hadir bukan tanpa dasar dan asas ini muncul sebagai amanah Deklarasi HAM Universal sebagai hak fundamental manusia. Namun demikian bagimana jika asas ini dihadapkan dengan kasus-kasus yang luar biasa seperti kasus terorisme dan kepabeanan. Hal ini menjadi persoalan oleh karena di satu sisi hal ini merupakan hak fundamental, namun di sisi lain ada hal luar biasa yang menjadi persoalan apabila asas ini tetap diterapkan. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan case law dengan analisis deskriptif kualitatif, yakni dengan menghadirkan putusan-putusan Pengadilan HAM Eropa yang pernah membahas persoalan tentang presumption of guilt. Paling tidak ada satu kasus penting yang putusannya dijadikan sebagai rujukan dalam membahas soal presumption of guilt ini yakni kasus Salabiaku v. France. Kasus ini menjadi rujukan yang mengikat oleh hakim-hakim di Pengadilan HAM Eropa dan telah dikutip oleh hakim-hakim di penadilan lain. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah dalam keadaan tertentu presumption of guiltdapat diterapkan dengan catatan negara harus membatasi penerapan prinsip ini dengan cara yang reasonable dengan mempertimbangkan apa resiko yang dipertaruhkan dan apa implikasinya jika asas ini tidak diterapka]]>
<![CDATA[AGAMA DAN HAK MILIK SEBAGAI SPIRIT PERLAWANAN RAKYAT SEMESTA DALAM PERANG DIPONEGORO ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>;
<![CDATA[Fatma Amilia]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Penelitian: Media Komunikasi Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan Vol 19 No 2 (2019): Dinamika Penelitian ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[LP2M IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/dinamika.2019.19.2.326-348
<![CDATA[The causes of the Diponegoro War or the Java War often get a disproportionate reading. Amongs are the assumptions that interpret the war as Diponegoro's struggle to protect his personal interests (land security) or also the presumption that saw the war to establish an Islamic state. This assumption turned out to be very contradictory to the process of the war. In the war that occurred for five years (1825-1830 AD), it turned out that the backbone of the Diponegoro army was ordinary people (not the army of the Ngayogyakarta Palace). This fact suggests that the war was a universal people's defense consisting of several layers of society (santri, jawara, nobility, etc.). This fact undermines the assumption that the cause of war is religious exclusivism and the interests of Diponegoro's personal priperty. By conducting library research through reading the Volume 1-4 of the Diponegoro Chronicle of Manado and other relevant main works, the researcher found that the causes of the war included the struggle to defend the honor of religion and the state which was symbolized in the public interest. The religious aspect is aimed at the spirit of sub-fertilizing religious elements in the form of resistance to tyrannical actions and the practice of immorality. The public interest is addressed by the spirit of struggle for the property right that is transformed into a spirit of resistance to extortion with an offer of prosperity. The land conflict and the demolition of Diponegoro's residence in Tegalrejo became a symbol of the seizure of property rights which had actually been in the form of extortion to the people in the name of taxes. The feeling of the same boat aroused awareness of ordinary people, santri, jawara and Diponegoro supporters to fight together (universal people's struggle). Keywords: Diponegoro War, Religion, Property Rights, Universal People's Struggle.]]>
<![CDATA[Sosialisasi UUD 1945 sebagai Pijakan Sikap Beragama yang Ramah bagi Santri Pesantren Nawesea Yogyakarta ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Abdimas UNU Blitar Vol 2 No 2 (2020): Volume 2, Nomor 2, Desember 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lembaga Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat ]]>
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<![CDATA[UUD 1945 dapat digunakan sebagai pijakan hidup beragama yang ramah antara sesama pemeluk agama dan kepercayaan. Hal ini merujuk kepada konsep kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan yang diatur dalam Pasal 28E ayat (1 dan 2), Pasal 28I ayat (1) dan Pasal 29 ayat (2) UUD 1945. Melalui konsep kebebasan beragama sebagai salah satu Hak Asasi Manusia, setiap orang harus menghormati pilihan perbedaan agama dan kepercayaan yang terjadi dalam kehidupan masyarakat. Pengabdian ini menggunakan teknik bercerita, bernyanyi dan bermain tebak-tebakan untuk memperkenalkan UUD 1945 sebagai pijakan sikap beragama yang ramah. Sasaran pengabdian adalah santri dengan usia anak sekolah menengah pertama pada Pesantren Nawesea Yogyakarta. Melalui sosialisasi, santri mengetahui pentingnya penggunaan UUD 1945 sebagai pijakan beragama yang ramah. Sebagai bagian dari bentuk hak asasi manusia, kebebasan beragama dalam UUD 1945 tersebut merupakan pedoman membina kerukunan umat beragama dalam kerangka penghormatan kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan.]]>
<![CDATA[Tinjauan HAM dalam Regulasi PPPK dengan Intertekstualitas Teks Hukum ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal HAM Vol 11, No 2 (2020): August Edition ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan Hukum dan HAM ]]>
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DOI: 10.30641/ham.2020.11.219-238
<![CDATA[Internalisasi HAM dalam regulasi terkait hak pekerja masih menjadi tantangan di negeri ini. Hal ini terjadi, salah satu contohnya, pada regulasi Pegawai Pemerintah dengan Perjanjian Kerja (PPPK), yakni Undang-Undang Nomor 5 Tahun 2014 tentang Aparatur Sipil Negara (UU ASN) dan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 49 Tahun 2018 tentang Manajemen Pegawai Pemerintah dengan Perjanjian Kerja (PP PPPK). Penelitian ini mempunyai dua rumusan masalah, yakni: tinjauan prinsip HAM atas regulasi PPPK dan alasan perlunya internalisasi HAM dalam regulasi PPPK dengan pendekatan intertekstualitas teks hukum. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif, penelitian ini menghasilkan kesimpulan sebagai berikut. Beberapa perlakuan kepada PPPK dalam regulasi tersebut tidak sesuai dengan prinsip HAM. Beberapa prinsip yang belum terakomodasi adalah prinsip kesetaraan, non diskriminasi, saling terkait, saling bergantung dan tanggung jawab negara. Dengan melakukan intertektualitas antara teks hukum dalam regulasi PPPK dengan teks lain, penelitian ini menemukan beberapa hal yang mendorong urgensi peninjauan ulang regulasi PPPK berprinsip HAM. Regulasi PPPK mencerminkan nalar mekanis negatif yang digunakan negara untuk melepaskan diri dari tanggung jawab negara dalam melindungi kepentingan PPPK, sehingga memproduksi regulasi yang sebenarnya tertinggal dibanding regulasi lain dalam perlindungan hak pegawai kontrak. Selain itu, regulasi PPPK juga menunjukkan kemunduran negara dalam memformulasikan indikator pemenuhan hak atas pekerjaan.]]>
<![CDATA[Penanganan Covid-19 Dan Pengembangan Hukum Ham Konteks Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Istinbath : Jurnal Hukum Vol 17 No 2 (2020): Istinbath : Jurnal Hukum ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institut Agama Islam Negeri Metro ]]>
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DOI: 10.32332/ijh.v17i2.2294
<![CDATA[In dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic, the Indonesian government uses Large-Scale Social Restrictions (PSBB) as an option to accelerate the handling of Covid-19. There is a narrative struggle regarding the limitation of human rights behind the policy of implementing the PSBB. The research uses a form of normative juridical legal research. Retrieving data through documentation, and data analysis through reduction, data presentation and conclusion. The narrative struggle that occurs regarding the protection of rights in handling Covid-19 is shown by the tug-of-war between the interests of health and the rights of community activities, where the policy of limitation has implications for the fulfillment of life's needs. The implementation of PSBB in Indonesia must be done optimally by improving domestic human rights legal instruments by incorporating public health and safety factors as the legality of human rights restrictions.]]>
<![CDATA[Paradigma HAM dalam Pembatasan Organisasi Masyarakat KeagamaanKontra Pancasila ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Istinbath : Jurnal Hukum Vol 16 No 2 (2019): Istinbath : Jurnal Hukum ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institut Agama Islam Negeri Metro ]]>
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DOI: 10.32332/istinbath.v16i2.1701
<![CDATA[Abstrak Penelitian ini mengungkap paradigma HAM di balik pembatasan organisasi masyarakat keagamaan yang kontra terhadap Pancasila. Dengan metode penelitian kualitatif, penelitian ini menghasilkan temuan sebagai berikut. Hak berorganisasi memang telah dijamin dalam Pasal 28 UUD 1945. Kegiatan berorganisasi juga berkonsekuensi kepada pelaksanaan hak meyakini kepercayaan (Pasal 28E Ayat (2) UUD 1945) yang artinya sama saja merupakan perwujudan hak berorganisasi keagamaan dalam konteks organisasi tersebut merupakan wadah kegiatan beragama. Akan tetapi, negara juga bisa saja membatasi (baca: membubarkan) organisasi keagamaan yang kegiatannya bertentangan dengan Pancasila sesuai amanat Pasal 28J Ayat (2) UUD 1945. Konstitusionalitas pembatasan HAM atas berorganisasi keagamaan tersebut mendapatkan legitimasi teoritisnya dengan paradigma HAM universalisme relatif. Abstract This research reveals the human rights paradigm behind the restrictions on the religious organization that are counter to Pancasila. With qualitative research methods, this study produced the following findings. The right to organize has indeed been guaranteed in Article 28 of the 1945 Constitution. Organizational activities also have consequences for the exercise of the right to believe the faith (Article 28E Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution), which means an embodiment of the right to perform in a religious organization in the context of the organization as a container for religious activities. However, the state can also limit (read: dissolve) religious organizations whose activities are contrary to Pancasila in accordance with the mandate of Article 28J Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. The constitutionality of human rights restrictions on religious organization is gaining theoretical legitimacy with the human rights paradigm of relative universalism.]]>
