Articles
<![CDATA[Menguatkan Hak Masyarakat Adat Atas Hutan Adat (Studi Putusan MK Nomor 35/ PUU-X/2012) ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 10, No 3 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.31078/jk1035
<![CDATA[If the Government is always consistent to ensure the rights of indigenous people over ulayat forest, of course there will be no legislation which is contrary to the constitution, because the constitution had always guaranteed it. The Decision of Constitutional Court Number 35/PUU-X/2012 which declares that Article 1 point 6, Article 4 paragraph (3), article 5 paragraph (1), paragraph (2), paragraph (3) of Law 41/1999 on Forestry unconstitutional shows that there is inconsistency in regulating indigenous forest. In the perspective of human rights, the articles have a spirit of protection of indigenous peoples’ rights over ulayat forest which is repressive derogable in nature. Meanwhile, the Constitutional Court decision has the spirit of progressive derogable protection. The first spirit means that because the state could derogate the recognition of ulayat forest if it is incompatible with the development of society and contrary to the principles of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, then the ulayat forest should be seen as the state forest. In the contrary, the next spirit means that although the state could derogate the recognition based on the preceeding requirements, the ulayat forest should be defined as ulayat forests. The first spirit is a repressive one because it aims at subordinating ulayat forests in the name of state forests. Meanwhile, the progressive spirit has the character of liberation and empowerment, it aims at removing the term of ulayat forests from state forests.]]>
<![CDATA[Antara Cita-cita Konservasi dan Kerentanan Masuk Sandera Eksploitasi (Kajian Atas Beberapa Judicial Review terhadap UU Kehutanan) ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 8, No 3 (2011) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.31078/jk834
<![CDATA[This paper aims to discuss some decisions of the Constitutional Court on judicial review of the Forestry Law. There are both positive and negative. A positive decision, to my opinion, can seen in No 013/PUU-III/2005 and No 021/PUU-III/2005. The reason I regard as a positive is based on the consequences of decision, which legitimates article about the ban on illegal logging in forests and the confiscation of equipment for stealing wood as constitutional ones. It is supporting conservation.A decision that negatively affects the spirit of conservation is noted in decision No. 003/PUU-II/2005. This ruling tends to prioritize legal certainty for mining companies to resume an open mine system in the preserved forestry. The author saw this one as reflection of the legal policy construction on forestry law that is taken hostage by exploitation interests.This paper, furthermore, tries to uncover the legal policy construction on forestry law as the base of problem sources. Therefore, the author needs to search for not only informations which are in the textual decision, but also ones are beyond it. The larger model of legal policy can be seen from the process of determining emergency condition when formulating the Stipulation of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu), then when changing the Perpu become law, and government regulations concerning forestry post-decision of the Court Number 003/PUU-II/2005.The advantage of this paper is on efforts to uncover the source alignments of forestry law on the big corporation based on decision number 003/PUU-II/2005. It to know this source that could be an important basis to understand why decision of the Constitutional Court on the preserved forest is taken hostage.]]>
<![CDATA[Keterlibatan Negara dalam Mengawal Kebebasan Beragama/ Berkeyakinan (Komentar Akademik atas Judicial Review UU No.1/PNPS/1965) ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 7, No 6 (2010) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.31078/jk764
<![CDATA[A theory having been known in the discourse of civil and political rights is a state has to act by omission (by not to do anything that can limit to as well as oppress these rights). It is this theory that was used as argument to petition for judicial review of law No.1/PNPS/Th.1965. This law was regarded having limited freedom of conscience and religion, that are parts of civil and political rights.After the implementation of freedom of conscience and religion have been evaluated, this should not be absolute because it will cause instability of harmony of religious community. The uncontrolled freedom, in fact, will encourage the deviation. The deviation that often happens is the mistaken interpretation.It caused the misuse or desecretion of religion.The state as organizer of people life, therefore, has the responsibility for controling the implementation of religious freedom in the light of harmony, and for preventing it from the misuse or desecretion. It is in this moment that Law No.1/PNPS/Th.1965 has been regulated to control the religious freedom in the light of harmony.]]>
<![CDATA[Putusan Nomor 74/PUU-XII/2014 dan Standar Konstitusional Dispensasi Perkawinan ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 14, No 3 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.31078/jk1436
<![CDATA[Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) Nomor 74/PUU-XII/2014 meninggalkan harapan yang belum terpenuhi, yakni rumusan standar konstitusional sebagai pertimbangan dalam pemberian dispensasi umur perkawinan. Makalah ini akan menjawab alasan mengapa MK menolak merumuskannya? dan bagaimana standar konstitusional yang bisa dirumuskan? MK menolak permohonan pemohon judicial review untuk menjadikan kehamilan di luar perkawinan sebagai satu-satunya standar pemberian dispensasi umur perkawinan. Penolakan ini mengisyaratkan MK menganggap bahwa hal itu merupakan open legal policy; suatu saat bisa berubah sesuai dengan kebutuhan dan konteks masyarakat. MK juga tidak menggunakan UUD 1945 untuk merumuskan rumusan standar konstitusional dispensasi perkawinan karena hal itu harus ditempuh melalui legislative review. Sebagai tawaran dari penulis dalam legislative review, standar konstitusionalnya bisa dirumuskan melalui pendekatan hukum non sistematik dan pembacaan maqashid syari’ah. Pertimbangannya harus memperhatikan perlindungan kepentingan agama (Pasal 28E ayat (1) UUD 1945), kepentingan kepastian hukum bagi pelaku (Pasal 28D ayat (1) UUD 1945), kebebasan kehendak dan keyakinan (Pasal 28E ayat (2) UUD 1945), kepentingan kesejahteraan hidup (Pasal 28H ayat (1) UUD 1945), dan hak asasi yang dimiliki keturunan (Pasal 28B ayat (1) UUD 1945).The decision of Constitutional Court Number 74/PUU-XII/2014 leaves the unmet expectations, which is the standard for an exemption in marital age. The paper will provide the answer to the reason why the Court refused to set the standard? And how the Court should formulate it as the constitutional standards? The Court rejected the petitioner arguments in the judicial review case to make pre-marital pregnancy as the only standard to set an exemption of marital age. It suggests that the Court considers it is an “open legal policy”; where the policy may change according to the needs of society. The Court also did not use the Constitution to give the interpretation on the constitutional standard in marital exemption because it must be pursued by way of review by the parliament. The author offers, in term of legislative review, that the standards can be formulated through a non-systematic legal approach and the interpretation of maqashid syari’ah. The arguments should pay attention to the protection of religious interests (Article 28E (1) of the Constitution), the interests of legal certainty of the citizens (Article 28D (1) of the Constitution), free will and belief (Article 28E (2) of the Constitution), the welfare (Article 28H (1) of the Constitution), and the rights of descendants (Article 28B (1) of the 1945 Constitution).]]>
<![CDATA[Perlindungan Perempuan dari Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga: Studi Pembaharuan Hukum Negara dan Islam ]]>
<![CDATA[Rafiq Arifianto]]>;
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ AL-WARDAH: Jurnal Kajian Perempuan, Gender dan Agama Vol 14, No 2 (2020): Edisi Desember 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN TERNATE ]]>
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DOI: 10.46339/al-wardah.v14i2.290
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini bertujuan menginvestigasi pembaharuan hukum Negara dan hukum Islam dalam upaya melindungi perempuan dari kekerasan dalam rumah tangga (KDRT). Rumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana pembaharuan hukum Negara dan hukum Islam yang berkontribusi bagi perlindungan perempuan dari KDRT? Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Data diperoleh melalui dokumentasi. Analisis dilakukan melalui tahapan reduksi, penyajian data dan penarikan kesimpulan. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kehadiran Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2004 tentang Penghapusan Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga merupakan langkah revolusioner untuk melindungi perempuan dari KDRT. Sementara itu, langkah revolusioner dari hukum Islam adalah reformasi pemahaman nusyuz yang tidak hanya dibebankan kepada perempuan sebagai istri, tetapi juga bisa berimplikasi kepada suami.]]>
<![CDATA[Tinjauan Nalar Relasi Kuasa dalam Aturan Berjilbab di Solok dan Pesisir Selatan ]]>
<![CDATA[Padri Irwandi]]>;
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ AL-WARDAH: Jurnal Kajian Perempuan, Gender dan Agama Vol 14, No 1 (2020): Edisi Juni 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN TERNATE ]]>
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DOI: 10.46339/al-wardah.v14i1.248
<![CDATA[Peraturan daerah bernuansa keagamaan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Sebagai hasilnya, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa keberadaan Peraturan Daerah Kabupaten Solok Nomor 6 Tahun 2002 tentang Berpakaian Muslim dan Muslimah di Kabupaten Solok (Perda 6/2002 Kabupaten Solok) dan Peraturan Daerah Kabupaten Pesisir Selatan Nomor 4 Tahun 2005 tentang Berpakaian Muslim dan Muslimah di Kabupaten Pesisir Selatan (Perda 4/2005 Kabupaten Pesisir Selatan) merupakan contoh Peraturan Daerah yang lahir di balik hegemoni mayoritas di atas minoritas. Selain relasi kuasa antar pemeluk agama, kewajiban memakai jilbab ini juga bisa menjadi pemaksaan bagi perempuan muslim yang kebiasaan sehari-harinya tidak memakai jilbab. Dengan demikian, keberadaan Perda menjadi pelajaran tentang keharusan pengambil kebijakan untuk merumuskan peraturan yang lebih substantif dalam melindungi perempuan]]>
<![CDATA[ALASAN HARGA DIRI PADA PRAKTEK CAROK (TINJAUAN HAM DAN HUKUM ISLAM) ]]>
<![CDATA[Bagis Syarof]]>;
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ TAHKIM Vol 16, No 1 (2020): TAHKIM ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Ambon ]]>
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DOI: 10.33477/thk.v16i1.1453
<![CDATA[Conflicts between humans often occur. The solution also varies. Some times it is done through a good conversation, or it can be with a fight, and even through legal channels. There is something interesting about one of the tribes in Indonesia, namely Madura. When experiencing conflict with other people, they take the solution through carok (fight with sickles). The common cause of carok is conflict related to the throne, wealth and women. The enemies are considered to lower their self-esteem, when it has disturbed these three things. As a consequence, carok becomes a solution to restore self-esteem that is lowered. This paper is the result of qualitative research with literature approach. This study questions how the reasons for self-esteem in the practice of carok in terms of Islamic law and human rights? As a finding, the authors conclude that although Islamic law and human rights do justify the protection of self-esteem for everyone, the reasons for self-defense through carok are not justified in Islamic law because they violate qishos law and are also not justified in human rights because they are not under national law. Keywords: carok, islamic law, human rights.]]>
<![CDATA[Pemikiran Ali Syari’ati dalam Sosiologi (Dari Teologi Menuju Revolusi) ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif Vol 10, No 1 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.14421/jsr.v10i1.1144
<![CDATA[Ali Syari’ati is muslim brilliant philosopher, graduated from doctoral of Sorbonne France. He created social teology perspective, based from his experience in west sociology perspective about Capitalism or Marxism. He succeed seek the Capitalism and Marxism weaknes if this perspective is used in Muslim Society. He mapping structure of society, insist of: Habil and Qobail. Habil is common people in society, Qabil is high class, likes: prince, aristocrats or capital owner. Qabil was repressedHabil trough social, politic, economy and religious system. This tragedy happen in Iran whenSyah Reza rezim. The consequences, Ali Syari’ati propagandist rebellion Habil to Qabil. Because of his activities, he to be prisoner one more time, then he is going abroad, until he pass away in England (with suspicious that he killed by Syah Reza people). The Iran Revolution happen, after 2 years Ali Syaria’ti pass away]]>
<![CDATA[Urgensi Pengesahan RUU PKS Terhadap Instrumen Penegakan Hak Asasi Perempuan ]]>
<![CDATA[Alfianita Atiq Junaelis Subarkah]]>;
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Supremasi Hukum: Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Hukum Vol 9, No 2 (2020): Supremasi Hukum ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.14421/sh.v9i2.2207
<![CDATA[Kekerasan terhadap perempuan merupakan salah satu bentuk pelanggaran hak-hak asasi yang dimiliki perempuan sebagai seorang manusia. Berbagai bentuk kekerasan kepada perempuan terus berkembang dalam kehidupan masyarakat, dari mulai kekerasan luring yang memerlukan kontak fisik hingga kekerasan daring melalui media virtual. Penegakan hak asasi perempuan tentulah harus dilaksanakan sesuai dengan amanat Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia yang tidak membolehkan adanya diskriminasi pada suatu kaum tertentu. Hal inilah yang kemudian membuat masyarakat mendorong pemerintah untuk menetapkan suatu Undang-Undang yang dapat berlaku secara luas dalam rangka menghapuskan berbagai macam kekerasan. Rancangan UndangUndang Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual telah berulang kali masuk dalam Program Legislasi Nasional, tetapi hingga kini belum terbentuk suatu Undang-Undang yang sah sebagai tonggak penegakan keadilan yang akan menjadi dasar dalam memberikan sanksi pada pelaku kekerasan seksual dan juga memberikan perlindungan kepada korban. Oleh karenanya, penting untuk mengesahkan RUU Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual ini agar dapat menekan maraknya kekerasan yang terjadi terhadap perempuan.]]>
<![CDATA[Hukuman Mati Perbandingan Islam, HAM dan KUHP (Membaca Konfrontasi HAM versus Hukuman Mati dan Larangan Marxisme dengan Maqâshid Syari'ah) ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiq Tobroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Unisia Vol. 33 No. 73 (2010): Jurnal Unisia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.20885/unisia.vol33.iss73.art6
<![CDATA[Salah satu hal yang paling krusial dalam KUHP dan sampai sekarang justru memancing perdebatan sengit dalam perumusan RKUHP yang baru (rancangan Kitab Undang-undang Hukum Pidana) adalah masalah perhatian kepada HAM. Para aktivis HAM menengarai bahwa KUHP dan RKUHP sampai sekarang masih menyimpan cacat dalam melindungi HAM. Beberapa pasal yang ditengarai sebagai instrumen pelemah penegakan HAM di antaranya adalah hukuman mati dan larangan penyebaran ideologi Komunisme dan Marxisme/Leninisme. Pasal-pasal demikian cenderung melanggar hak hidup dan kebebasan berpikir. Sementara itu, perumus RKUHP mempunyai pertimbangan sendiri. Pasal-pasal ini untuk memberi hukuman yang berat bagi kejahatan berat (pemberlakuan hukuman mati) dan melindungi ideologi Pancasila (larangan Marxisme). Mereka menganggap pencantumannya bukan sebagai pelemah penegakan HAM. Umat Islam sebagai bagian warga negara yang berhak memantau undang-undangnya sendiri juga harus melibatkan diri mengkritisinya. Saya di sini akan menganalisis pasal-pasal yang diperdebatkan melanggar HAM tersebut dengan perspektif teori Maqâshid Syarî’ah. Keywords: Maqâshid Syarî’ah; hukuman mati; Komunisme dan Marxisme-Leninisme; HAM dan KUHP.]]>
