Articles
<![CDATA[The political communication style of ridwan kamil in west java spatial news ]]>
<![CDATA[Alam, Wira Yudha]]>;
<![CDATA[Marijan, Kacung]]>;
<![CDATA[Aminah, Siti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Komunikasi Vol 3, No 3 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Communications Science, Dr. Soetomo University ]]>
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DOI: 10.25139/jsk.v3i3.1875
<![CDATA[This research is aimed to understand the political communication style of Ridwan Kamil as the governor of West Java province towards the urban spatial planning in West Java. This research utilises van Dijk's critical discourse analysis method because it is considered to be a clear method in the process of data analysing. Sources of this research will be gathered from spatial planning-related three online news (tempo.co, inilahkoran.com, pikiranrakyat.com) from September 2018 to July 2019. This research discovers that Ridwan Kamil has an equalitarian style, which he able to digest the situation with his two-way communication and idea acceptance.]]>
<![CDATA[Cultural space and communication production at mount Kelud, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Agus]]>;
<![CDATA[Marijan, Kacung]]>;
<![CDATA[Aminah, Siti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Komunikasi Vol 4 No 3 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Communications Science, Dr. Soetomo University ]]>
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DOI: 10.25139/jsk.v4i3.2663
<![CDATA[The research aimed to understand the process of political communication in the contestation of Mount Kelud between the Blitar and the Kediri Regency Government in regional autonomy era. Mediation and legal efforts have been carried out to resolve Mount Kelud dispute, but the Central Government has not decided the administrative boundaries of the two Regencies since 2003. The research took the perspective of Henri Lefebvre's space production, which stated that space produced in the community’s daily life (social space) and produced by power (political space). The study used a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach. The findings of the study revealed that the Kediri Regency Government has carried out cultural construction and communication through the “Larung Sesaji†in Kelud Mountain Festival. Meanwhile, Blitar Regency has not done similar activity; even if it has conducted the Sesani “Larung Intan.†The central government could consider the cultural space on Mount Kelud as a synthesis of social space and political space as an effort to resolve disputes over regional boundaries.]]>
<![CDATA[Problem Kelembagaan Transisi Demokrasi Di Daerah ]]>
<![CDATA[Kacung Marijan]]>
<![CDATA[ JKAP (Jurnal Kebijakan dan Administrasi Publik) 2005: JKAP VOLUME 9 NOMOR 2, TAHUN 2005 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Magister Administrasi Publik ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/jkap.8322
<![CDATA[Some scholars have focused their attention on the process of democratization at the local level They argue that democracy at the local level will encourage the emergence of democracy at the national level Furthermore, neo-institutionalism approach is important in supporting transition to democracy at the local level. The approach has applied particular policies, such as decentralization and strengthening local parliament, local government capacity, political culture and civil society. This approach, however, did not work properly. The interests of political and economic players at the local level often hamper the work of neo-institutonalism approach.]]>
<![CDATA[Power relation of the 212 Islamic Group and the government in the 2019 presidential election ]]>
<![CDATA[Moch. Mubarok Muharam]]>;
<![CDATA[Kacung Marijan]]>;
<![CDATA[Airlangga Pribadi Kusman]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 34 No. 3 (2021): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V34I32021.305-316
<![CDATA[The 212 Islamic Group was in opposition with the government of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in the 2019 presidential election. This group made militant resistance against Jokowi in the presidential election. This resistance influenced the presidential election contestation became more dynamic and fierce. The fierce contestation had divided the community into two camps, namely the pros and cons of Jokowi. This study explored and analyzed the resistance of the 212 Islamic Group against the government in the 2019 presidential election. This study was a qualitative study, interviewing 12 informants, consisting of the 212 Islamic Groups, Moderate Islamic Groups, Indonesian Ulema Council, online media, and academics. This study showed that The 212 Islamic Group can offset the government’s political influence so that the presidential election becomes more dynamic and balanced. However, the resistance of this group can be substantial (prominent) because of the narration about the rise of Islam and their ability to ideologize mosques and social media. This paper concluded that there was a resistance of the 212 Islamic Group to the country because Jokowi was considered secular and detrimental to Islam in politics and law, such as disbanding Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI).]]>
<![CDATA[PENGARUH KIAI TERHADAP PERILAKU MEMILIH ALUMNI SANTRI PONDOK PESANTREN MBI AMANATUL UMMAH PACET ANGKATAN 2017 PADA PEMILU PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN TAHUN 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Camilla Yssam Madani]]>;
<![CDATA[Kacung Marijan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v7i1.30877
<![CDATA[Kiai-santri memiliki hubungan paternalistik yang bersifat interpersonal dapat mempengaruhi dinamika politik. Sikap tawadhu’ santri terhadap Kiai dimanfaatkan untuk mendulang suara pilpres 2019, namun posisi santri yang telah menjadi alumni tidak lagi dalam ruang hegemoni Kiai pada rumpun piramida pesantren, sehingga ada banyak faktor yang dapat mempengaruhi alumni santri dalam kehidupan sehari-harinya termasuk mengenai perilaku memilih santri. Sehingga tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk melihat masih adakah pengaruh Kiai dalam perilaku memilih alumni santri pada pilpres 2019, dan seberapa kuat pengaruh tersebut. Metode penelitian menggunakan mix method, dengan analisis kuantitatif yang lebih dominan dan analisis kualitatif digunakan sebagai pendukung. Variabel bebas dalam penelitian ini adalah peran Kiai, dan variabel terikatnya adalah perilaku memilih alumni santri. Rumus slovin digunakan dalam pengambilan sampel yaitu sebanyak 72 responden, menggunakan kuesioner tertutup dan terstruktur, didukung dengan wawancara semi terstruktur. Uji hipotesis dan analisis menggunakan Chi-Square untuk melihat arah dan coefisien contingensi untuk mengetahui kekuatan pengaruh. Hasil penelitian menyatakan ada pengaruh antara peran Kiai dengan perilaku memilih alumni santri, namun kekuatan pengaruh berada pada interpretasi ‘cukup’. Hasil wawancara memperdalam hasil analisis kuantitatif bahwa perilaku memilih alumni santri dominan dipengaruhi oleh pilihan rasional (program calon), dan pilihan sosiologis (lingkungan keluarga, kerja, sekolah).]]>
<![CDATA[LOCAL POLITICS ARISTOCRACY OF BALI IN THE POST-REFORM ERA ]]>
<![CDATA[I Gusti Ayu Agung Dewi Sucitawathi Pinatih]]>;
<![CDATA[Kacung Marijan]]>;
<![CDATA[I.B. Wirawan]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 7, No 1 (2022): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v7i1.36688
<![CDATA[Puri (Balinese palace) is one of the cultural symbols of the Balinese people. The power system that once placed puri as a central actor became a political tradition that led to the local politics aristocracy model which still adopted the values of feudalism, including in the political life of government. This study itself aims to analyze the political culture that shapes the pattern of local politics aristocracy of Bali in the post-reform era. The theories used to analyze the problem are elite theory and patron-client theory using the point of view of political sociology. The research method is qualitative research in the form of literature studies derived from books, journals, and descriptive analysis related to the research topic. The findings in this study are that the survival of puri in Bali is caused by an elitist political culture that is influenced by the caste system, and the position of the puri which places itself as a patron (ruler) to clients (community) related to religion, economy, and politics.]]>
<![CDATA[Politics of sickness: Political struggles over the meaning of “sick” in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Adam Amin Bahar]]>;
<![CDATA[Kacung Marijan]]>;
<![CDATA[Antun Mardiyanta]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 35 No. 2 (2022): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V35I22022.170-179
<![CDATA[In dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic, political actors in Indonesia tend to interpret “sick” in different ways. This study aims to discuss practices of political struggles over the meaning of “sick” in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. By using qualitative discourse analysis where data were mainly obtained from January to October 2020, this study found that political struggles over the meaning of “sick” in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia were dominated by three major powers, namely the government, capitalist, and medical professionals. The meaning of “sick” given by these groups is not only different but also keeps changing from time to time, especially in certain political moments. This study found four important political moments which were closely related to the way these three groups of actors interpret the meaning of “sick” in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. In one moment, “sick” was interpreted narrowly, while in another moment, “sick” was interpreted broadly. This study concludes that the struggle for the meaning of sick is an inherent practice in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. A further consequence is that the meaning of sick is not fixed as it is known so far but is more unfixed and contingent.]]>
<![CDATA[Revitalisasi Kearifan Lokal guna Memperkuat Karakter Bangsa dalam Rangka Ketahanan Nasional ]]>
<![CDATA[Kacung Marijan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Lemhannas RI Vol 2 No 1 (2014) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lembaga Ketahanan Nasional Republik Indonesia ]]>
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<![CDATA[Kearifan lokal merupakan salah satu produk kebudayaan. Sebagai produk kebudayaan, kearifan lokal lahir karena kebutuhan akan nilai, norma dan aturan yang menjadi model untuk melakukan suatu tindakan. Kearifan lokal merupakan salah satu sumber pengetahuan (kebudayaan) masyarakat, ada dalam tradisi dan sejarah, dalam pendidikan formal dan informal, seni, agama dan interpretasi kreatif lainnya. Kearifan lokal dapat didefinisikan sebagai suatu sintesa budaya yang diciptakan oleh aktoraktor lokal melalui proses yang berulang-ulang, melalui internalisasi dan interpretasi ajaran agama dan budaya yang disosialisasikan dalam bentuk norma-norma dan dijadikan pedoman dalam kehidupan sehari-hari bagi masyarakat.]]>
<![CDATA[The Discourse of Capitalist Class and Public Policy in the Handling of COVID-19 Pandemic in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Bahar, Adam Amin]]>;
<![CDATA[Marijan, Kacung]]>;
<![CDATA[Mardiyanta, Antun]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 7, No. 2 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UI Scholars Hub ]]>
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<![CDATA[In the early period of handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia, the Indonesian government prioritized the economy and health sectors. This study argues that these government actions and policies are heavily influenced by discourse from the capitalist class. This study aims to discuss the articulation of several different discursive elements of the capitalist class in the early period of handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia and its impact on public policy. This study focuses on two capitalist classes, namely medical and non-medical capitalists. This study found that the discursive elements from the government on these two significant issues had in common with the discursive elements of these two capitalist classes. The discourse of public discipline over the use of medical products from medical capitalists had the same discursive elements as that of government discourse. Both of them articulated this discourse with the aim of public health, but theoretically, this is important to increase the accumulation of capital in the health industry in the future. Another group of capitalists, however, generally see this pandemic as a disaster and an obstacle to continue their capital accumulation. Therefore, the central discourse that was raised by this group was the economic impact of this pandemic. Although these two discourses are different, this study found that they are not contradictory but rather complementary. The discourse spread by the two capitalist classes influenced state policy in dealing with COVID-19 in Indonesia significantly. This study emphasizes the importance of the discourse articulation of the capitalist class in the politics of policymaking, especially in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Industrial Policy, Industrialisation and Cluster Industries in Indonesia: An Overview ]]>
<![CDATA[Kacung Marijan]]>
<![CDATA[ Unisia Vol. 30 No. 64 (2007): Jurnal Unisia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.20885/unisia.vol30.iss64.art1
<![CDATA[Kebijakan industri di Indonesia telah dibangun melalui kebijakan yang pragmatis. Artinya, kebijakan itu tidak terikat pada pendekatan tertentu, seperti hanya menekankan pada mekanisme pasar atau melalui intervensi negara. Pendekatan pragmatis ditempuh sebagai upaya untuk menyesuaikan dengan kebutuhan pasar dan lingkungan. Di dalam pendekatan demikian, industri menengah ke atas, lebih banyak diuntungkan. Tetapi, pemerintah juga tidak menutup fakta bahwa kelompok industri kecil dan menengah sangat penting bagi perekonomian Indonesia. Untuk itu, pemerintah juga berupaya membantuk kelompok ini. Salah satu strategi penting yang dipakai adalah melalui pendekatan klaster, yakni membangun kelompok industri sejenis di dalam wilayah-wilayah tertentu. Pendekatan ini dipakai mengingat keuntungan industri yang mengelompok lebih besar daripada ketika berdiri sendiri-sendiri. Kata Kunci: Kebijakan Industri, Kelompok Industri]]>
