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All Journal Dia: Jurnal Administrasi Publik Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik AL ISHLAH Jurnal Pendidikan JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) The Journal of Society and Media Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics)

Kacung Marijan

Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Airlangga

Author-ID : 2636774

Religion Arts Humanities Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Education Environmental Science Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Mathematics Social Sciences Other

Published : 8 Documents Claim Missing Document

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Articles

Power relation of the 212 Islamic Group and the government in the 2019 presidential election Moch. Mubarok Muharam; Kacung Marijan; Airlangga Pribadi Kusman
Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 34 No. 3 (2021): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga

The 212 Islamic Group was in opposition with the government of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in the 2019 presidential election. This group made militant resistance against Jokowi in the presidential election. This resistance influenced the presidential election contestation became more dynamic and fierce. The fierce contestation had divided the community into two camps, namely the pros and cons of Jokowi. This study explored and analyzed the resistance of the 212 Islamic Group against the government in the 2019 presidential election. This study was a qualitative study, interviewing 12 informants, consisting of the 212 Islamic Groups, Moderate Islamic Groups, Indonesian Ulema Council, online media, and academics. This study showed that The 212 Islamic Group can offset the government’s political influence so that the presidential election becomes more dynamic and balanced. However, the resistance of this group can be substantial (prominent) because of the narration about the rise of Islam and their ability to ideologize mosques and social media. This paper concluded that there was a resistance of the 212 Islamic Group to the country because Jokowi was considered secular and detrimental to Islam in politics and law, such as disbanding Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI).

PENGARUH KIAI TERHADAP PERILAKU MEMILIH ALUMNI SANTRI PONDOK PESANTREN MBI AMANATUL UMMAH PACET ANGKATAN 2017 PADA PEMILU PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN TAHUN 2019 Camilla Yssam Madani; Kacung Marijan
Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Kiai-santri memiliki hubungan paternalistik yang bersifat interpersonal dapat mempengaruhi dinamika politik. Sikap tawadhu’ santri terhadap Kiai dimanfaatkan untuk mendulang suara pilpres 2019, namun posisi santri yang telah menjadi alumni tidak lagi dalam ruang hegemoni Kiai pada rumpun piramida pesantren, sehingga ada banyak faktor yang dapat mempengaruhi alumni santri dalam kehidupan sehari-harinya termasuk mengenai perilaku memilih santri. Sehingga tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk melihat masih adakah pengaruh Kiai dalam perilaku memilih alumni santri pada pilpres 2019, dan seberapa kuat pengaruh tersebut. Metode penelitian menggunakan mix method, dengan analisis kuantitatif yang lebih dominan dan analisis kualitatif digunakan sebagai pendukung. Variabel bebas dalam penelitian ini adalah peran Kiai, dan variabel terikatnya adalah perilaku memilih alumni santri. Rumus slovin digunakan dalam pengambilan sampel yaitu sebanyak 72 responden, menggunakan kuesioner tertutup dan terstruktur, didukung dengan wawancara semi terstruktur. Uji hipotesis dan analisis menggunakan Chi-Square untuk melihat arah dan coefisien contingensi untuk mengetahui kekuatan pengaruh. Hasil penelitian menyatakan ada pengaruh antara peran Kiai dengan perilaku memilih alumni santri, namun kekuatan pengaruh berada pada interpretasi ‘cukup’. Hasil wawancara memperdalam hasil analisis kuantitatif bahwa perilaku memilih alumni santri dominan dipengaruhi oleh pilihan rasional (program calon), dan pilihan sosiologis (lingkungan keluarga, kerja, sekolah).

LOCAL POLITICS ARISTOCRACY OF BALI IN THE POST-REFORM ERA I Gusti Ayu Agung Dewi Sucitawathi Pinatih; Kacung Marijan; I.B. Wirawan
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 7, No 1 (2022): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v7i1.36688

Puri (Balinese palace) is one of the cultural symbols of the Balinese people. The power system that once placed puri as a central actor became a political tradition that led to the local politics aristocracy model which still adopted the values of feudalism, including in the political life of government. This study itself aims to analyze the political culture that shapes the pattern of local politics aristocracy of Bali in the post-reform era. The theories used to analyze the problem are elite theory and patron-client theory using the point of view of political sociology. The research method is qualitative research in the form of literature studies derived from books, journals, and descriptive analysis related to the research topic. The findings in this study are that the survival of puri in Bali is caused by an elitist political culture that is influenced by the caste system, and the position of the puri which places itself as a patron (ruler) to clients (community) related to religion, economy, and politics.

Politics of sickness: Political struggles over the meaning of “sick” in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia Adam Amin Bahar; Kacung Marijan; Antun Mardiyanta
Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 35 No. 2 (2022): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga

In dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic, political actors in Indonesia tend to interpret “sick” in different ways. This study aims to discuss practices of political struggles over the meaning of “sick” in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. By using qualitative discourse analysis where data were mainly obtained from January to October 2020, this study found that political struggles over the meaning of “sick” in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia were dominated by three major powers, namely the government, capitalist, and medical professionals. The meaning of “sick” given by these groups is not only different but also keeps changing from time to time, especially in certain political moments. This study found four important political moments which were closely related to the way these three groups of actors interpret the meaning of “sick” in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. In one moment, “sick” was interpreted narrowly, while in another moment, “sick” was interpreted broadly. This study concludes that the struggle for the meaning of sick is an inherent practice in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. A further consequence is that the meaning of sick is not fixed as it is known so far but is more unfixed and contingent.

Participatory Budgeting in Indonesia: from the Policy Innovation to the Democracy Innovation Mochamad Arif Affandi; Kacung Marijan; Dwi Windyastuti
The Journal of Society and Media Vol. 6 No. 2 (2022): Relationship between The Usage of Social Media and Society
Publisher : Department of Social Science, Faculty of Social Science &Law, Universitas Negeri Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26740/jsm.v6n2.p527-565

Community participation in the government budgeting process provides opportunities for wider and deeper public participation. This paper uses a systematic literature review method with a meta-synthetic approach that aims to examine the practice of participatory budgeting (PB) in Indonesia by comparing PB programs in the early reform era with PB programs in the reform era. The results show that the PB model in the early era of World Bank-sponsored reforms such as the Musrenbang (PNPM and KDP) is a technocratic administrative policy innovation because it has standard rules, innovation comes from the government and the community becomes the object of government policy. In addition, this study also finds that Prodamas indirectly strengthens Musrenbang because of its participation at the RT level. People at the lowest level are encouraged to participate more. Therefore, the researcher hopes that Regional Regulations have greater power.

Pseudo Power Tiga Periode pada Jaringan Komunikasi Islam Tradisional dan Modern di Media Sosial Twitter Irwan Dwi Arianto; Rachmah Ida; Kacung Marijan
Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi Vol 21, No 2 (2023): Agustus 2023
Publisher : Univeritas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31315/jik.v21i2.9932

Isu tiga (3) periode digulirkan elit partai politik Muhaimin Iskandar Ketua Umum Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) dan Zulkifli Hasan Ketua Umum Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN), memiliki kedekatan sejarah dengan dua ormas besar Islam di Indonesia yaitu Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Muhammadiyah. Isu juga dibicarakan oleh follower Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Muhammadiyah. Perkembangan isu tiga (3) periode dapat dipahami melalui media sosial yang selama ini sulit diukur melalui metode tradisional (survei). Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengukur perkembangan isu dan mengidentifikasi jaringan Islam Tradisional dan Modern di media sosial Twitter. Metode penelitian menggunakan metode riset sosial berbasis big data dengan analisis jaringan komunikasi. Menggunakan kata kunci “tiga (3) periode” melalui NodeXL dan ASIGTA teridentifikasi 12.818 pengguna membentuk 43.913 hubungan dalam sembilan (9) relasi percakapan. Hasil penelitian menemukan Top Influencer yaitu @jokowi, @fahmiagustian, @nephilaxmus, @andiarief__, @bachrum_achmadi, @jimlyas, @democrazymedia, @goel578, @cnnindonesia dan @_ekokuntadhi. Aktor Islam Tradisional 8,65%, Islam Modern 12,75%, Nusantara Berkemajuan 5,01%, dan Alternatif 73,59%. Pembicaraan Islam Tradisional 8,23%, Islam Modern 16,09%, Nusantara Berkemajuan 6,13%, dan Alternatif 69,55%. Sentimen percakapan negatif sebesar 44,05%, netral sebesar 25,49%, dan positif sebesar 30,46% menunjukkan mayoritas penolakan dan ketidaksetujuan. Penelitian ini memberi kontribusi terbentuknya isu dan dipengaruhi oleh berbagai faktor pada ruang kontestasi media sosial Twitter.

DISCOURSE COMMUNICATION NETWORK ANALYSIS 3 PERIODE PADA MEDIA SOSIAL TWITTER Irwan Dwi Arianto; Rachmah Ida; Kacung Marijan
DIA: Jurnal Administrasi Publik Vol 22 No 01 (2024): PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
Publisher : Program Studi Doktor Ilmu Administrasi, FISIP, Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30996/dia.v22i01.9672

This research proposes Foucauldian Discourse Analysis (FDA) as an innovative qualitative methodology to investigate the use of social media as a platform of power control through shared opinions. A phenomenon where social media used as a medium for public to express themselves whereas previously was often done physically (offline), is now more likely to be done in digital area through social media. This study found that the main discourse held no more power than the opponent’s discourse in the contestation. In reality, the main discourse weakened and morphed to dampened actions but still could not become a consensus that led to student action on the streets. While the main discourse was powerfully amplified from bottom to center elites, it ultimately resulted in defeat and failed to acquire acceptance or legitimation by society, leading to pseudo-power.

Principals' Perceptions Pertaining to the Policy Engagement of Driving Organizations (NGOs) in Advancing Education Quality: Curriculum Reform Study Mustofa Mustofa; Kacung Marijan; Afib Rulyansah; Syamsul Ghufron
AL-ISHLAH: Jurnal Pendidikan Vol 15, No 4 (2023): AL-ISHLAH: JURNAL PENDIDIKAN
Publisher : STAI Hubbulwathan Duri

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35445/alishlah.v15i4.4631

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have assumed a prominent role within the academic landscape of numerous countries. Recently, governmental authorities have granted authorization for NGOs to actively participate in augmenting the quality of educational endeavours. The present research aims to delve comprehensively into the perspectives of school principals regarding the active engagement of NGOs in elevating educational standards within the context of Indonesia. Employing qualitative research methods, the study conducted in-depth interviews with a cohort of five elementary school principals located in Surabaya. This investigative approach underscores the acknowledgment of a multifaceted, dynamic, and contextual reality, marked by inherent subjectivity and fluidity, intertwined within the socio-cultural and political milieu. Employing inductive processes, the research employs techniques of data condensation, encoding, categorization, and theorization to facilitate the analysis of the collected data. The resultant findings from this empirical inquiry have revealed the emergence of three overarching thematic constructs: firstly, the formulation of partnership policies involving driving organizations or NGOs; secondly, the cultivation of shared educational responsibilities; and lastly, the discernible benefits stemming from the active involvement of NGOs. The unfolding of an innovative model, borne out of the collaborative policy framework with NGOs, serves as a distinctive political and institutional approach that facilitates the orchestration of collective efforts. This model notably substantiates its efficacy in fostering mutually beneficial collaborations, thereby introducing novel paradigms, methodologies, and educational resources.

Co-Authors Afib Rulyansah Airlangga Pribadi Kusman Antun Mardiyanta Camilla Yssam Madani Dwi Windyastuti I.B. Wirawan I.G.A.AG. Dewi Sucitawathi Pinatih Irwan Dwi Arianto Moch. Mubarok Muharam Mochamad Arif Affandi Mustofa Mustofa Rachmah Ida Syamsul Ghufron

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