Articles
<![CDATA[Penyesuaian Norma Global di Asia Tenggara: Konsep Adopsi Parsial Dalam Lokalisasi Responsibility to Protect Dalam Krisis Humaniter Myanmar 2008 ]]>
<![CDATA[Asyifa Mahardika]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v6i3.28193
<![CDATA[Debate over Responsibility to Protect in ASEAN has not reached any consensus up until now. This is caused by a clash between Responsibility to Protect and ASEAN Way. Some argues that Responsibility to Protect is applicable in ASEAN, while the rest thinks otherwise. By using norm localization as part of constructivism, this research aims to give a brand new notion that Responsibility to Protect might be applied partially in ASEAN. A case of study about Myanmar humanitarian crisis in 2008 serves a set of implicit yet explicit proves on how Responsibility to Protect can be applied in ASEAN. Data were collected using literature study and official documentaries, and analyzed using causal-process tracing. The result of this research shows that ASEAN had penetrated all steps in Responsibility to Protect localization. Although the final step isn’t perfectly done yet, ASEAN is proved to be receiving the main principal of Responsibility to Protect]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Afirmatif di Malaysia: Analisis Idiosinkretis Penolakan Mahathir Mohamad untuk Meratifikasi ICERD ]]>
<![CDATA[Dela Karisma]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 6, Nomor 2, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v6i2.26991
<![CDATA[In November 2018 Mahathir Mohamad, who re-assumed the position of Prime Ministerof Malaysia stated that Malaysia would not ratify ICERD. It is considered by some to be asetback for the struggle of equalization of racial rights in Malaysia. Previous research on racialdiscrimination in Malaysia focused mostly on the human rights side and the roots ofdiscrimination itself without specifically addressing the issue of ICERD. This study will analyzethe rationale behind Malaysia's refusal to ratify ICERD using an idiosyncratic theory.Researcher place the level of analysis at the individual level, by examining Mahathir Mohamad.By analyzing elements of Mahathir Mohamad’s leadership style, the researcher argues that thestrong driving factor behind Malaysia's refusal to ratify ICERD is an element of Mahathir'sexperience and interest in politics as a person who was predominantly Malay-chauvinist becauseof his Malay-centric ideas.]]>
<![CDATA[Praktik Diskursif Amerika Serikat dalam Membangun Narasi Terorisme Global : Studi Kasus Kejahatan oleh Ali Muhammad Brown dan Stephen Craig Paddock ]]>
<![CDATA[Sapen Sartika Unyi Putri]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Faizal Alfian]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 1, Tahun 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i1.32891
<![CDATA[The United States of America as a super power, is able to create and build knowledge, 'reality', and global narratives that are trusted by the world community according to their interests. This is no exception in terms of terrorism. The purpose of this study is to explain how the discursive practices carried out by the US Government and media in building a global narrative related to terrorism through case studies of crimes committed by Ali Muhammad Brown and Stephen Craig Paddock. The method used in this research is a qualitative descriptive approach. This research is viewed from the perspective of poststructuralism which has not been found in previous studies. The result of this study is that the identification of who deserves the label of terrorist in the United States occurs only in Muslims and especially those who have people of color. This occurs as a result of the social construction that develops in global society through the discursive practices of the United States Government and Media. From the results of this study, it shows how discursive practice can be used in shaping existing reality and knowledge, so the discourse will contain different meanings depending on who interprets it. In addition from this research, it can be concluded that the reality and narrative as well as knowledge related to global terrorism are not free values but are biased towards political interests and are built by constructions and discursive practices developed by the ruling state.]]>
<![CDATA[Insitusi Internasional sebagai Representasi Individu: Faktor Ketidakefektifan ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation dalam Mekanisme Penyelesaian Konflik di Asia Tenggara ]]>
<![CDATA[Fadhila Irfansyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i4.25091
<![CDATA[The Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN) has several mechanisms for resolving conflicts, the ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation (AIPR) is one of them, which formed by the legitimacy of ASEAN to resolve conflicts. But, since it was formed, A-IPR did not going well resolving those conflicts. Southeast Asian countries prefer to resolve conflicts in their own ways, namely by means of unilateralism and bilateralism. So A-IPR becomes a pseudo institutionbecause it doesn't work according to the function they’ve been set. Some conflicts, such as theborder conflicts between Thailand and Cambodia, Myanmar's internal conflict, and the Sabahconflict between Malaysia and the Philippines also went that way. These countries prefer toresolve those conflicts in their own way rather than through the AIPR path. Even though AIPR has a management and conflict resolution function. This research wants to explain the reasons of the Southeast Asian countries not using A-IPR as conflict resolution mechanism using the perspective of idiosyncratism. This study argues that the ineffectiveness of A-IPR is because the institution was formed based solely on the personal preferences of the initiatior which is Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono without considering the desires of other countries. So that A-IPR only becomes a pseudo institution without support from it’s member.]]>
<![CDATA[Komunitas Epistemik dalam Kebijakan Luar Negeri: Peran INACA dalam ASEAN Open Sky ]]>
<![CDATA[Auva Syiahnaz Rizky Shafira]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>;
<![CDATA[Marten Hanura]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i3.34452
<![CDATA[The implementation of infrastructure development in ASEAN economic cooperation in the realm of air and maritime transportation is the cornerstone of the establishment of the ASEAN Open Sky. In every policy-making, Indonesia opens access for interest groups, including the epistemic community who want to exert influence in foreign policy. The epistemic community is a network of professionals with recognized expertise and has the authority to propose or make policies on certain issues that are relevant to their knowledge. The objective of this research is to explain the role of the epistemic community in the making and implementation of foreign policy, in this case INACA in ASEAN Open Sky using constructivism theory. According to constructivism, epistemic communities have an important role in policy making and implementation, they can help to shape the interests and preferences of the state. This research uses the qualitative method and the data needed is obtained through primary and secondary resources by interviewing relevant organizations and reviewing relevant literatures, such as books, journals, news, and another online sources. The interview method was carried out online through questionnaires. This research shows that the role of the epistemic community in policy making is less significant caused by the domination of the government and lack of support for the research development process by the epistemic community.]]>
<![CDATA[Keterlibatan Evrazisky Soyuz Molodezhi dalam Konflik di Ukraina ]]>
<![CDATA[Yoga Arfiansyah Firdaus]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>;
<![CDATA[Marten Hanura]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 7, Nomor 3, Tahun 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v7i3.30678
<![CDATA[Evrazisky Soyuz Molodezhi (ESM) is one of the international organizations actively involved in the Ukrainian conflict. This involvement includes the use of network warfare tactics (stevaia voina), guerrilla warfare (partizanskiye deystviya), forming an anti-US international alliance (‘Coalition of Disatisfied’), and aggressive forms of action. This study aims to explain the motives for ESM involvement in the Ukrainian conflict. This study used a qualitative research method with an explanative research type through the mechanism of idea as road maps approach by Goldstein & Keohane. This study concludes that ESM's involvement in the Ukrainian conflict is influenced by ideas such as the dualism of ‘The Great War of the Continents’, Asimmetrichnaya Voyna, the ‘Coalition of Disatisfied’, and the significance of Novorossiya embedded in Neo-Eurasianism ideology. These ideas influence ESM preferences and the pathways to achieve them.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Soft Power Indonesia dalam Melanesian Spearhead Group terhadap United Liberation Movement for West Papua ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Afif Maulana Roziqi]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 6, Nomor 2, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v6i2.26930
<![CDATA[Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu are countries in the SouthPacific that share ethnic, racial and cultural similarities. With historical burden that had beencolonized by the western nations, they formed the MSG to take their own sovereignty. Papuawhich is part of Indonesia have Melanesian ethnicity are considered to have no sovereignty oftheir own. So ULMWP wants to get independence from Indonesia and got supported by severalMSG member countries. Therefore, Indonesia has an interest to cease ULMWP byapproaching MSG members using Soft Power. Soft Power is a way to get the desired resultsthrough cultural, domestic values and foreign policy. This research argues that Indonesia usecultural and foreign policy that have succeeded in reducingsome member of MSG support toULMWP]]>
<![CDATA[Analisa Transnational Advocacy Network : Transnasionalisme Redress Movement for Comfort Women di Negara Barat oleh The Korean Council 2015-2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Helga Prashernanda]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Faizal Alfian]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i3.34407
<![CDATA[Within the history of Japanese Colonization, follows establishment of Japanese Military Sexual System. Japanese action trigger transnational movement who gave demands for Japan to redress, but have not accomplished until this time. There are attempts to made an issue’s settlement through Japan-ROK Agreement 2015, however The Redress Movement for Comfort Women in western country still giving their efforts, and there is fresh establishment of new NGO after Agreement accomplished. The purpose of this research is to examine transnationalization’s process of Redress Movement for Comfort Women in the West Country. To analyze the process of transnationalism of Redress Movement for Comfort Women, this research use Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) approach and Boomerang Pattern Concept. This research have two argument, first argument saying that transnationalism of Redress Movement for Comfort Women in western countries are caused by implementation of TAN and Boomerang Pattern by The Korean Council. The Korean Council must implementing TAN Strategy due to Blockage has given by the Government of Japan and South Korea.]]>
<![CDATA[Solidaritas Bagi Pasifik Selatan: Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri Selandia Baru dalam Menanggapi Isu Perubahan Iklim pada masa Pemerintahan Jacinda Ardern ]]>
<![CDATA[Lyra Asaria Uthan]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Faizal Alfian]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i3.34221
<![CDATA[Since Jacinda Ardern's period as a prime minister in New Zealand, the country has contrasted climate change policy with the previous prime minister. Ardern's concern about climate change leads New Zealand to change the countries' diplomatic relations and add its foreign aid to the Pacific Islands countries. New Zealand's orientation and concern for the regional climate change crisis show a shift in Jacinda Ardern's leadership with her predecessor. This research aims to answer the research question: "Why does New Zealand actively participate in Pacific Island's climate change crisis during Jacinda Ardern Presidency?". This study aims to explain the role of Jacinda Ardern's ideas in shaping the climate change policy in the Pacific Islands. This research is explanative research using the desk research method. This study uses the framework of Ideas and Foreign policy by Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane on answering which type of idea and how the policy-making mechanism that Ardern used.]]>
<![CDATA[Ketidakberdayaan Pemerintah India terhadap Isu Privatisasi Air oleh Coca-Cola tahun 1993 - 2004 ]]>
<![CDATA[Dien Nur Rahmaniar Ungsi]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 7, Nomor 1, Tahun 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v7i1.29891
<![CDATA[India is a mixed economic system country where the government can intervene in public affairs. Since experienced a transition period in 1991, India adopted economic liberalization policy and implemented one of the terms of economic liberalization, which is privatization in water sector. This policy led India to hand over a water sector to private companies named Coca-Cola in 1993 and it had a negative impact that is increased water crisis and environmental damage in India. The impact of water privatization by Coca-Cola is a crime that occurs as a consequence of policies that cannot be separated from the effects of adjustments to the global economic system. This research aims to explain the driving factors of the powerlessness of the Indian government in dealing with losses incurred as a result of Coca-Cola's water privatization policy in 1993-2004. The analysis in this study uses a qualitative research method with an explanative research type. This study uses Marxism theory to explain the driving factor of the powerlessness of the Indian government in dealing with the issue of Water Privatization by Coca-Cola. This study found that what prompted the powerlessness of the Indian government was influenced by two factors. First, there is a pressure from changes in domestic economic conditions that make India following global political changes as a solution to the Indian economic crisis. Second, there is a pressure from international economic institutions namely IMF and World Bank which provide loans for India, so that India implementing a structural adjustment program.]]>
