Articles
<![CDATA[Usaha Mendapatkan Pengakuan Internasional: Kebijakan Indonesia Mengeluarkan Peraturan Presiden 125/2016 dalam Menangani Isu Pengungsi ]]>
<![CDATA[Kevin Ronaldo Sirait]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>;
<![CDATA[Ika Riswanti Putranti]]>;
<![CDATA[Shary Charlotte]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 4, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2019), hlm. 100-196 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (864.533 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14710/ip.v4i2.26700
<![CDATA[As a transit country, Indonesia is obliged to temporarily accommodate thousands of refugees and asylum seekers who are waiting to be processed by UNHCR for resettlement to the third countries. To facilitate refugees and asylum seekers, Joko Widodo’s government issued Presidential Regulation 125/2016. The international community appreciates the regulation because it shows Indonesia commitment to take part in addressing one of the humanitarian issues that is currently being concern to the world. This paper aims to analyze Joko Widodo’s policy that facilitate refugees and asylum seekers. By using the concept of international recognition in the constructivist paradigm, this paper argues that the government issued Presidential Regulation 125/2016 is influenced by the desire of Indonesia to be recognized as a “human rights defender” in terms of refugee handling. In this case, recognition, appreciation, and positive response from the international community has been obtained by Indonesia leading to the reduction of pressure from international community which could trigger the phenomenon of misrecognition. In this regard, Indonesia’s identity as “human rights defender” can be maintained.]]>
<![CDATA[Di Bawah Spirit Liberal-Institusionalisme: Kajian Komparatif Gagasan Dynamic Equilibrium dan ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific ]]>
<![CDATA[Ardianti, Dinar Elly]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>;
<![CDATA[Alfian, Muhammad Faizal]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 8, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2023): 1-210 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.14710/ip.v8i1.55088
<![CDATA[This article aims to compare two Indonesia’s foreign policy ideas, namely, dynamic equilibrium and the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). It treats both ideas as an analytical tool instead of propositions to be tested against empirical evidence. Using liberal-institutionalism approach, this article argues that despite both ideas applies in the Indo-Pacific region, both have different characteristics. While dynamic equilibrium can be regarded as a foreign policy doctrine which only proposes the basic principles of interstate relations, AOIP is a cooperative framework which becomes policy guidance for countries in the region. However, both ideas conforms liberal-institutionalism premises that international regimes matter because it provides set of rules for cooperation rather than rivalry, recover ASEAN’s role as a key actor in the region, promote dialogue in dispute settlement, and gain economic development. ]]>
<![CDATA[Realisme versus Liberalisme: Suatu Perbandingan Paradigmatis ]]>
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 7, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2022): 134-255 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.14710/ip.v7i2.50775
<![CDATA[Realism and liberalism are the most dominant paradigms in the study of International Relations. Both are often positioned diametrically because they have basic assumptions that contradict each other. Even though comparing the two paradigms violates the principle of incommensurability, it doesn't mean it's not useful. This paper attempts to map the two paradigms based on their underlying assumptions. Although in many respects realism and liberalism are opposites in viewing the phenomenon of international relations, both of them basically have similarities in viewing the nature of the international system and the nature of actors. This paper attempts to see what are the strong and weaknesses of each paradigm to see how far both are able to explain the phenomenon of international relations. Nevertheless, this paper does not pretend to judge one paradigm as better than another. ]]>
<![CDATA[Usaha Mendapatkan Pengakuan Internasional: Kebijakan Indonesia Mengeluarkan Peraturan Presiden 125/2016 dalam Menangani Isu Pengungsi ]]>
<![CDATA[Sirait, Kevin Ronaldo]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Charlotte, Shary]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 4, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2019), hlm. 100-196 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (864.533 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14710/ip.v4i2.26700
<![CDATA[As a transit country, Indonesia is obliged to temporarily accommodate thousands of refugees and asylum seekers who are waiting to be processed by UNHCR for resettlement to the third countries. To facilitate refugees and asylum seekers, Joko Widodo’s government issued Presidential Regulation 125/2016. The international community appreciates the regulation because it shows Indonesia commitment to take part in addressing one of the humanitarian issues that is currently being concern to the world. This paper aims to analyze Joko Widodo’s policy that facilitate refugees and asylum seekers. By using the concept of international recognition in the constructivist paradigm, this paper argues that the government issued Presidential Regulation 125/2016 is influenced by the desire of Indonesia to be recognized as a “human rights defender” in terms of refugee handling. In this case, recognition, appreciation, and positive response from the international community has been obtained by Indonesia leading to the reduction of pressure from international community which could trigger the phenomenon of misrecognition. In this regard, Indonesia’s identity as “human rights defender” can be maintained.]]>
<![CDATA[ASEAN (in)Security Community ]]>
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies : Jurnal Magister Hubungan Internasional Vol 3 No 1 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i1.1556
<![CDATA[The existence of arms modernization can be regarded as the high degree of security dilemma among states. In Southeast Asia, the fact that defense budget escalation followed by the military modernization may be the biggest obstacle to create an ASEAN Security Community. Unfortunately, there have been a little attention on the issue studying the correlation between arms modernization and the prospect of ASEAN Security Community. This paper seeks to fill the gap by analyzing how arms modernization in Southeast Asia is counterproductive to the ASEAN Security Community development. Using constructivism in International Relations, this paper argues that arms modernization among several ASEAN member states hinders collective identity building as a fundamental factor behind the security community. This argument implies that the formation of ASEAN Security Community will not create long-lasting peace in the region. This paper suggests that ASEAN should focus on collective identity formation to strengthen its own body institution rather than merely declare in a formal treaty.]]>
<![CDATA[Pragmatisme Multilateral dalam Momen Keketuaan Indonesia di G20 dan ASEAN, 2022-2023 ]]>
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politica Vol 14, No 2 (2023): Jurnal Politica November 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.22212/jp.v14i2.4123
<![CDATA[Most international relations literature conceives a positive viewpoint on multilateralism. Multilateral diplomacy is often associated with collective efforts to solve various problems at the regional or global level. Indonesia has long practiced multilateral diplomacy as part of its commitment to create a better world as mandated by the constitution. However, under the leadership of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), Indonesia’s multilateral diplomacy puts a strong emphasis on achieving national rather than collective interests. Using a case study of Indonesia’s G20 and ASEAN presidency, this article argues that Indonesia’s multilateral diplomacy was dominated by the principle of pragmatism which is oriented towards the pursuit of short-term interests, especially the economy, rather than strategic efforts to solve international problems. This principle of multilateral pragmatism undermines Indonesia’s reputation as a middle power which is expected to contribute to solving global problems.AbstrakKebanyakan literatur hubungan internasional memandang secara positif tentang multilateralisme. Diplomasi multilateral sering kali diasosiasikan dengan upaya kolektif untuk memecahkan aneka persoalan di tingkat regional atau global. Indonesia sejak lama mempraktikkan diplomasi multilateral sebagai bagian dari komitmen menciptakan dunia yang lebih baik sebagaimana amanat konstitusi. Namun, di bawah kepemimpinan Presiden Joko Widodo (Jokowi), diplomasi multilateral Indonesia menekankan pada pencapaian kepentingan nasional ketimbang kepentingan kolektif. Menggunakan studi kasus presidensi Indonesia di G20 dan ASEAN, artikel ini mengemukakan argumen bahwa diplomasi multilateral Indonesia di kedua forum tersebut didominasi prinsip pragmatisme yang berorientasi pada pengejaran kepentingan jangka pendek terutama ekonomi alih-alih upaya strategis memecahkan persoalan internasional. Prinsip pragmatisme multilateral ini dapat melemahkan reputasi Indonesia sebagai kekuatan menengah yang diharapkan dapat berkontribusi bagi pemecahan masalah-masalah global.]]>
<![CDATA[Major Power in the Making: Analisis Komprehensif Status Indonesia dalam Hirarki Politik Internasional, 2014-2024 ]]>
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>;
<![CDATA[Kusumawardhana, Indra]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 12, No 2 (2023): Published in November 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Andalas Institute of International Studies UNAND ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.25077/ajis.12.2.163-182.2023
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s status as a middle power has become a commonsense in contemporary International Relations (IR) literature. Existing scholarships on this topic rely on a behavioral approach, emphasizing foreign policy characteristics in defining Indonesia’s status. Other scholars employ a material approach, measuring Indonesia’s economic as well as military capabilities. Previous studies have tended to overlook social and psychological elements of Indonesia’s international standing. This paper argues that Indonesia’s status cannot be determined by partial perspectives. Rather, it requires a comprehensive analysis by incorporating material, behavioral, social, and psychological elements to determine Indonesia’s status at the global level. Based on a comprehensive analysis of Indonesia’s foreign policy during Joko Widodo administration (2014-2024), this paper contends that Indonesia can be classified as an intermittent major power, that is, a country that not only aspires to be a major power but also asccending the hierarchy of international politics. In other words, Indonesia is a major power in the making. This idea supports the claim that Indonesia has a great power mentality stemming from its glorious past. This explains why Indonesia’s foreign policy frequently exhibits great power aspirations.]]>
<![CDATA[Eksploitasi Ruang Ketakutan: Analisis Peran Elit Politik dan Kelompok Penekan Dalam Upaya Sekuritisasi Islamofobia Melalui Kebijakan Imigrasi Perancis ]]>
<![CDATA[Duanda Gumilar]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 6, Nomor 2, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v6i2.26931
<![CDATA[France is the fourth largest immigrant recipient in Europe and most of them areMuslim. Thus, France is currently ranked as the largest number of Muslim in Europe. Thiscauses domestic social and political conflict in the form of violence and discrimination knownas Islamophobia. This study aims to analyze on how the emerge of Islamophobia became adomestic threat through France immigration policy. Through the concept of linguisticconstructivism and securitization theory, this study try to analyze the development ofIslamophobia in France. This study argues that France pressure group and political eliteplay an active role in the process of politicizing Islamophobia as a security issue, so thatIslamophobia institutionalized by the France government into France immigration policysuch as prohibition of religious symbols and immigrant restriction. However, it is found abottom-up securitization process influenced by the public opinion.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Kepentingan Nasional Uni Emirat Arab Dalam Normalisasi Hubungan Dengan Israel ]]>
<![CDATA[A Rizki Tahmi]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Faiza; Alfian]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i3.34399
<![CDATA[The normalization of diplomatic relations between the UAE and Israel in 2020 is an event that has shocked the international community. As we know that the UAE and Israel have a not good history in international relations. Therefore, the normalization of relations is a big step for the foreign policy of the two countries. The normalization of diplomatic relations between the UAE and Israel gave birth to an agreement known as the Abraham Accords. This agreement is the basis for relations between the two countries which contains points of cooperation that will be carried out. The change in policy made by the UAE in normalizing this relationship is a characteristic aspect of global political dynamics. The UAE's national interest is one of the factors considered the reason for the normalization of diplomatic relations to occur. So the purpose of this study is to analyze the UAE's national interest in normalizing relations with Israel and the level of urgency of these interests. This research will use the National Interest Concept in the form of a National Interest Matrix. Based on the research conducted, the main argument of the author is that the normalization of diplomatic relations carried out by the UAE with Israel cannot be separated from the national interests of the UAE.]]>
<![CDATA[Pacem In Terris dalam Kebijakan Luar Negeri Tahta Suci Vatikan terhadap Konflik Suriah ]]>
<![CDATA[Nadya Yolanda Nainggolan]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Faizal Alfian]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i3.34148
<![CDATA[Syrian conflict was one of the effects of the Arab Spring and has been evolving into a proxy war and get prolonged. Among many actors who are active and has their own interest in the international politics, the Holy See came to fight for peace in Syria. This study aimed to explain the reason why the Holy See was getting involved in pursuing peace in Syria. This research used a desk research method with an explanative type. This study used the theory of constructivist norms and the concept of foreign policy. Constructivism assumed that norms, one of which is domestic norms adopted by a country, can influence the interests of a country and affect the foreign policy. In this case, Pacem In Terris, as one of the encyclicals in Catholic social teaching, has become one of the domestic norms of the Holy See. Therefore, this study found out that Pacem In Terris was the domestic norm of the Holy See affected the interests of the Holy See to fight for peace in peaceful ways and then as a 'map' that influenced the policy of the Holy See to participated through several foreign policies towards Syria.]]>
