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JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik)
Published by Universitas Padjadjaran
ISSN : 25029185     EISSN : -     DOI : -
Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) diterbitkan dua kali dalam setahun, di mana setiap artikel yang diterbitkan telah melalui proses peer review. Beberapa isu empirik dalam sub kajian yang dibahas dalam jurnal ini antara lain politik regional dan kebijakan publik, relasi agama dan demokrasi, kampanye dan pemilu, ekonomi politik, pemilu dan partai politik, serta relasi kekuasaan dan komunikasi politik. JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) menggunakan sistem online (Open Journal System) mulai dari publikasi hingga proses penerbitan. Jurnal Wacana Politik mengundang para penulis dari kalangan akademisi, mahasiswa, birokrat, dan LSM untuk mengunggah artikel hasil penelitian atau kajian kepustakaannya. Setiap artikel dituntut memenuhi standar penulisan karya ilmiah yang beretika. Saat ini, Jurnal Wacana Politik terbit berkala dua kali dalam satu tahun yaitu pada bulan Maret dan Oktober.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 272 Documents
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RETHINKING THE CANON: CONTRIBUTION OF CLASSICAL CIVILIZATION TO THE FORMATION OF WESTERN POLITICAL IDENTITY Seidi, Dembael; Firmansyah, Muhammad Andi
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 11, No 2 (2026): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) May
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v11i2.70632

Abstract

This study seeks to deconstruct the linear “Great Books” narrative in the history of Western political thought using Reinhart Koselleck’s lens of Begriffsgeschichte (conceptual history). Through a biography-of-ideas analysis, it traces the transformation of key concepts such as justice, citizenship, and sovereignty across three layers of civilization: Greco-Roman, Islamic, and Judeo-Christian. The findings suggest that modern Western politics is not a direct, static inheritance from antiquity but the result of “conceptual alchemy”—a process of meaning sedimentation where Greek rationalism was filtered through Islamic administrative and philosophical lenses, synthesized by scholastic theology, and finally secularized during the Sattelzeit period. Hence, we argue that contemporary political crises are manifestations of temporal and linguistic mismatches between inherited classical concepts and a modern state machinery that has lost its historical consciousness. Consequently, the “West” must be understood not as a monolithic entity but as a discursive palimpsest shaped by cross-cultural collisions and translations.
INTEGRATED VOTER EDUCATION MODEL TO STUDENTS AS PRE-VOTERS Hariyanti, Hariyanti; Darmawan, Cecep; Rahmat, Rahmat; Anggraeni, Leni; Radini, Radini; Abdullah Hasibuan, Hamdi
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 11, No 2 (2026): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) May
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v11i1.59341

Abstract

This research aims to describe the importance of preparing pre-voters to become intelligent and participatory beginner voters, through an integrated voter education model. This solution was born from the fact that in general voter education only aggressively targets first-time voters during the election stage. This research was carried out by the Pekanbaru City KPU and the Kampar Regency KPU as well as several secondary schools in Pekanbaru City and Kampar Regency. The research used a qualitative design with descriptive methods, with research informants including KPU commissioners, Election Smart House Managers, and Pancasila and Citizenship Education (PPKn) teachers at schools. Research data was collected through observation, interviews, FGD and documentation studies. The research results found that: (1) the absence of a sustainable voter education program to prepare pre-voters to become politically literate beginner voters. Voter education in schools is generally carried out during the election stage, with the theme of socialization; (2) there is no cooperation for the implementation of sustainable voter education (3) an integrated voter education model is needed to combine collaboration between the actors of political education and the PPKn’s teachers as a means of learning about elections and democracy in schools to strengthen students’ political literacy as pre-voters.
FROM AGROECOLOGY TO DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE: COMMUNITY-BASED FOOD SECURITY AND CLIMATE ADAPTATION IN WEST SUMATRA Yulianti, Dina; Setyaka, Virtuous; Bainus, Arry; Sari, Deasy Silvya; Akim, Akim
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 11, No 2 (2026): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) May
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v11i2.63853

Abstract

The West Sumatra has a high index of food security and because of its dependence on modern farming systems that are chemical based, farmers are susceptible to environmental degradation and market forces worldwide. Through the Critical International Relations (CIR) approach of Robert W. Cox, this paper analyzes how community-based agroecological practices can be the solution to a transition between climate change adaptation and democratic resilience in West Sumatra. The current study is dedicated to the case of Cheap Staple Rice Fields (Sawah Pokok Murah - SPM) an agroecological farming system, a grassroots movement that helps to break free of the company inputs and promotes the self-reliance of farmers. The results demonstrate that SPM does not only lead to climate adaptation and food availability, but also transforms the community-based innovations into the inclusive local governance, in which local governments adopt the grassroots initiatives into their policy-making. This research paper addresses a gap in the literature by demonstrating that food security is not merely associated with the production of adequate food, but also with promoting ecological justice and enhancing the community capacity towards participatory decision-making. Theoretically, the study suggests that agroecology can serve as a deliberative democratic mechanism, allowing local communities to build democratic resilience through daily food governance practices.
CRACKS IN THE GREAT WALL: ZERO-COVID PROTESTS AND THE REASSERTION OF POLITICAL SECURITY IN CHINA Pandjaitan, Khannia Zhafira Ronaulli; Sudirman, Arfin
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 11, No 2 (2026): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) May
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v11i2.63734

Abstract

The protests of the zero-COVID policy in 2022, which led to the issuance of Ten New Measures in China, are an interesting political phenomenon to study. This phenomenon raises questions about the dynamics of China’s political security during the zero-COVID policy period and how the government responded to the social pressures that arose. Applying political security theory that emphasizes national objectives, threat perceptions, and political freedom of action, this article analyzes China’s political dynamics during that period. This article concludes that political security for a country is often realized through various actions justified to protect national interests and maintain social stability and harmony to strengthen political legitimacy. In maintaining political legitimacy during the Covid-19 pandemic, the Chinese government demonstrated political security stability through issue framing strategies, mass mobilization, a punishment and reward approach, and optimization of the economic sector and nationalism. Meanwhile, the phenomenon of protests of the zero-Covid policy contributed as one of the supporting factors, but not a determining factor, in the change of Covid-19 policy in China. Thus, the dynamics that occurred did not indicate a change in the political system, but rather the political impact that emerged during that period.
Electoral Threshold: Pros-Cons and Political Party Consensus in Indonesia Amrurobbi, Azka Abdi; Daviska, Donis; Mahadika, Alam
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 11, No 2 (2026): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) May
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v11i2.68581

Abstract

The debates surrounding the parliamentary threshold and presidential threshold have become a recurring phenomenon, particularly in the period leading up to general elections in Indonesia. This paper aims to examine the pros and cons of the implementation and determination processes of both thresholds. Employing a qualitative research method and library research as the primary data collection technique, to validate the data then this research used data triangulation technique. In the Indonesian context, the thresholds applied constitute a form of formal threshold, namely thresholds determined through political and legislative processes in parliament. Consequently, threshold policies are heavily influenced by the configuration of political power among parties. This study finds several key points: First, the discourse on the parliamentary and presidential thresholds has generated intense debate among political scholars, ranging from those who support to those who oppose it, each with their own rationales. Second, the application of formal thresholds as a political product is largely shaped by the position of political parties and the results of previous elections. Consequently, political parties’ responses to the thresholds are inherently dynamic and subject to change over time.
CHALLENGES IN FULFILLING THE POLITICAL RIGHTS OF INDONESIAN MIGRANT WORKERS IN TAIWAN: A CASE STUDY FOR THE 2024 GENERAL ELECTION Kusuma, Ardli Johan; Saraswati, Dini Putri; Satrio, Jati
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 11, No 2 (2026): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) May
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v11i2.62353

Abstract

Political rights are part of human rights guaranteed by international law and the Indonesian constitution. However, Indonesian migrant workers (PMIs) in Taiwan face various challenges in exercising their right to vote in the 2024 elections. This research analyzes the obstacles faced by PMIs in Taiwan in the democratic process using politic of citizenship framework by Stokke. The research method used is a qualitative approach with semi-structured interviews with various relevant stakeholders. The results of this study show that the main obstacles to the implementation of elections for migrant workers in Taiwan are limited access to election information, differences in regulations related to voting mechanisms, and administrative challenges due to the lack of diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Taiwan. The Indonesian Migrant Workers Union (SBMI) and community organizations have an important role in fighting for the political rights of PMIs by providing political education, administrative assistance, and advocacy for the political rights of PMIs in Taiwan. This research confirms the need for better coordination between the government, trade unions, and community organizations to strengthen the protection of PMIs’ political rights.
THE IMPACT OF TURKEY’S POLICY ON REFUGEES (CASE STUDY OF SYRIAN REFUGEES) Kadhafie, Muhammad; Haidar, Abdullah
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 11, No 2 (2026): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) May
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v11i2.70631

Abstract

In the aftermath of World War II, the international community sought to establish a global order that guarantees the protection of human rights, formally declared through the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Fundamental principles such as the right to life, the right to security, and freedom from torture became central to the international human rights regime. However, contemporary realities demonstrate that human rights violations persist, particularly in situations of armed conflict. The Syrian conflict, which began in 2011, has evolved into one of the largest humanitarian crises of the 21st century, forcing millions of civilians to flee their country in search of safety. Turkey, as Syria’s neighboring country and a state party to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, has become the largest host country for Syrian refugees. Through its open-door policy and temporary protection regime, Turkey admitted millions of refugees within a relatively short period. While this policy reflects a humanitarian commitment, it has also generated significant political, economic, and social consequences within the host state. This article aims to analyze the impact of Turkey’s refugee policy on Syrian refugees, examining both its humanitarian dimension and its domestic and geopolitical implications. The study employs a descriptive qualitative approach based on literature review and policy analysis. The findings indicate that Turkey’s refugee policy represents a dynamic interaction between humanitarian responsibility and strategic national interests, producing multidimensional impacts on the country’s socio-economic stability and political landscape.
SERVING THE POOR WHILE SECURING THE VOTE ISLAMIC PARTIES AND WELFARE PROGRAM IN DECENTRALIZED INDONESIA Makhasin, Luthfi; Yahya, Burhan; Nurprojo, Indaru Setyo; Rofik, Ahmad
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 11, No 2 (2026): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) May
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v11i2.59632

Abstract

Indonesia is a Muslim-majority country with complex and diverse social and economic welfare problems. These welfare issues sometimes become sensitive electoral issues used to mobilize electoral support in elections. One of the welfare problems experienced by its citizens is the issue of inhospitable housing (Rumah Tidak Layak Huni / RTLH). This article seeks to explain how RTLH has become an electoral issue through the conceptual framework of political linkage. It begins with the question of how Islamic parties contribute to overseeing welfare programs in general and, more specifically, the handling of RTLH at the local level. In contrast to much of the existing scholarship that frames contemporary Indonesian politics primarily in terms of patronage and clientelism, this article starts from the perspective that Islamic parties face various opportunities and constraints in responding to and overseeing welfare policy agendas. By focusing on two Islamic parties—PKB and PKS—in Banyumas Regency, and by adopting the process-tracing analytical method commonly used in comparative politics studies, this article shows that Islamic parties adopt different approaches in supporting the RTLH program at the local level. On the one hand, PKB does not treat the RTLH program as a priority because the policy is considered to offer limited electoral incentives. On the other hand, PKS is more serious in supporting the RTLH program for more ideological reasons. Moreover, PKS maintains a programmatic and strategic political linkage, whereas PKB tends to maintain a pragmatic and tactical political linkage. 
EVALUATING BAWASLU’S SiGapLapor FOR ELECTORAL JUSTICE IN INDONESIA’S 2024 ELECTION Hidayat, Nur; Muhtar, Muhtar
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 11, No 2 (2026): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) May
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v11i2.70630

Abstract

This article assesses the effectiveness of the Election Violation Handling and Reporting Information System (SiGapLapor) operated by Indonesia’s Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu) as a case of digitalising electoral oversight. Using a qualitative-exploratory case study, the research draws on document analysis (regulations, internal reports, and SiGapLapor web statistics) and semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions with election supervisors and ICT managers. Findings indicate that SiGapLapor works reasonably well as an administrative registry and an internal reporting tool, but remains weak as a participatory public complaints mechanism and as an instrument of electoral justice. Key constraints include a non-user-centred interface, predominantly manual verification, uneven local infrastructure and human capacity, and limited system integration and data openness. The article proposes three development agendas for the 2029 election cycle: a citizen-centric redesign grounded in Digital-Era Governance, stronger case-tracking features with integration and Open Government Data interoperability, and an explicit public value orientation through co-creation and institutional capacity building within Bawaslu.
PUBLIC INTEREST AS AN ‘EMPTY SIGNIFIER’: DISCOURSE HEGEMONY STRATEGY OF PRO-DAM GROUP IN THE CONTESTATION OF THE DEVELOPMENT DISCOURSE OF THE BENER DAM NATIONAL STRAGIC PROJECT. Achyansyah, Muhammad Nadhif; Djuyandi, Yusa
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 11, No 2 (2026): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) May
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v11i2.59227

Abstract

This article examines how the discourse of public interest is constructed and mobilized by pro-dam actors to legitimize the construction of the Bener Dam National Strategic Project amid resistance against andesite quarry mining in Wadas Village, Purworejo Regency. Using Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse analysis framework, this study employs qualitative methods to analyze textual and non-textual data drawn from official government documents, policy statements, press conferences, mass media coverage, and public communications by central and local governments as well as pro-dam community actors. The analysis shows that public interest functions as an empty signifier that is articulated as a nodal point to unify diverse urgencies—economic growth, water resource management, food security, energy, and tourism—into a single hegemonic demand for the continuation of the Bener Dam project. Through repeated articulation, pro-dam actors succeed in stabilizing the meaning of the project as a collective good while simultaneously fragmenting and delegitimizing the chain of equivalence formed by opposing discourses related to environmental damage, eco-spirituality, livelihoods, and human rights. The article concludes that the hegemonic deployment of public interest enables pro-dam groups to dominate the discursive field of development, although this fixation remains contingent and open to counter-hegemonic re-articulation.

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