Articles
<![CDATA[FENOMENA PERKEMBANGAN MUSIK KONTEMPORER DI ARAB ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahma Salbiah]]>;
<![CDATA[Ibnu Burdah]]>
<![CDATA[ An-Nahdah Al-'Arabiyah Vol 2 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[An-Nahdah Al-'Arabiyah is published by Department of Arabic Language and Literature in cooperation with The Center for Research and Community Service (LP2M) ]]>
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DOI: 10.22373/nahdah.v2i2.1789
<![CDATA[Fenomena yang terjadi sekarang sangat menyita perhatian banyak orang salah satunya di dunia seni musik, ada banyak perubahan yang terjadi dari waktu ke waktu. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis beberapa musik varian baru atau pembaharuan musik lama yang hadir di kalangan masyarakat Timur Tengah. Ada banyak faktor yang mempengaruhi masuknya musik varian baru ini, salah satunya adanya sistem modernisasi dari pihak pemerintah. Ada banyak tujuan yang dihadirkan akan pengadaan datangnya musik baru yang berbentuk konser, banyak spekulasi berdatangan baik positif maupun negatif karena munculnya budaya baru yang sebelumnya belum pernah hadir di kalangan masyarakat Timur Tengah. Dalam fenomena modernisasi di Timur Tengah ini terdapat suatu hal yang menarik, yaitu adanya faktor internal dan eksternal munculnya varian musik terbaru ini. Banyak konflik batin yang dirasakan oleh kaum muda akan kebijakan pemerintah, sehingga mereka menggunakan media sosial untuk ajang komunikasi membahas tatanan baru mengenai musik varian baru tersebut.]]>
<![CDATA[Al-Khurūj ‘alā al-Ḥākim fī al-Fiqh al-Siyāsī al-Islāmī: Dirāsah ‘alā Ma’nā al-Thawrah ]]>
<![CDATA[Taufiqul Hadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohammad Yunus Masrukhin]]>;
<![CDATA[Siswanto Masruri]]>;
<![CDATA[Ibnu Burdah]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Ahkam Vol 33, No 1 (2023): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Sharia and Law, Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Walisongo Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.21580/ahkam.2023.33.1.14948
<![CDATA[The Arab Spring emerged due to a political crisis in most Arab countries that wanted a change from dictatorial regimes to democratic systems in their countries. One of the most prominent issues that caused controversy during the revolution was the issue of al-khurūj 'alā al-ḥākim. This article aims to analyze the meaning of revolution from an Islamic political perspective by discussing the concept of al-khurūj 'alā al-ḥākim, especially towards the three terms: al-bāghī, al-khawārij and al-ḥirābah. This article clarifies the relationship between these three terms with the phenomenon of revolution in the contemporary Islamic world. This article uses a jurisprudential approach with an inductive method by extrapolating jurisprudential sources and references related to the research subject. This article concludes that the notion of revolution is not the same as the concept of al-khurūj 'alā al-ḥākim in Islamic jurisprudence. The reason is that revolution aims to change the political, social and economic reality. In contrast, khurūj is a form of resistance to the leader and does not carry out all the rights demanded of the ruler. In the present context, the redefinition of the concept of al-khurūj 'alā al-ḥākim in Islamic jurisprudence is necessary to suit the modern era.]]>
<![CDATA[FENOMENA PERKEMBANGAN MUSIK KONTEMPORER DI ARAB ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahma Salbiah]]>;
<![CDATA[Ibnu Burdah]]>
<![CDATA[ An-Nahdah Al-'Arabiyah Vol 2 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[An-Nahdah Al-'Arabiyah is published by Department of Arabic Language and Literature in cooperation with The Center for Research and Community Service (LP2M) ]]>
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DOI: 10.22373/nahdah.v2i2.1789
<![CDATA[Fenomena yang terjadi sekarang sangat menyita perhatian banyak orang salah satunya di dunia seni musik, ada banyak perubahan yang terjadi dari waktu ke waktu. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis beberapa musik varian baru atau pembaharuan musik lama yang hadir di kalangan masyarakat Timur Tengah. Ada banyak faktor yang mempengaruhi masuknya musik varian baru ini, salah satunya adanya sistem modernisasi dari pihak pemerintah. Ada banyak tujuan yang dihadirkan akan pengadaan datangnya musik baru yang berbentuk konser, banyak spekulasi berdatangan baik positif maupun negatif karena munculnya budaya baru yang sebelumnya belum pernah hadir di kalangan masyarakat Timur Tengah. Dalam fenomena modernisasi di Timur Tengah ini terdapat suatu hal yang menarik, yaitu adanya faktor internal dan eksternal munculnya varian musik terbaru ini. Banyak konflik batin yang dirasakan oleh kaum muda akan kebijakan pemerintah, sehingga mereka menggunakan media sosial untuk ajang komunikasi membahas tatanan baru mengenai musik varian baru tersebut.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia terhadap Palestina Pasca Pengakuan Yerusalem sebagai Ibu Kota Israel ]]>
<![CDATA[Ella Susila Wati]]>;
<![CDATA[Ibnu Burdah]]>
<![CDATA[ Power in International Relations Vol. 8 No. 2 (2024): PIR (Power in International Relations) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurnal UPU ]]>
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DOI: 10.22303/pir.v8i2.15
<![CDATA[Artikel ini membahas kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Palestina setelah pengakuan Yerusalem sebagai ibukota Israel. Palestina adalah satu-satunya negara anggota Konferensi Asia Afrika yang belum mencapai kemerdekaan. Konflik Palestina dan Israel telah terjadi dari setengah abad lalu dan hingga sekarang belum merdeka. Konflik ini, kemudian meletus pada tahun 2017. Dimana Donald Trump seseorang presiden Amerika Serikat mengumumkan bahwa Yerusalem adalah ibukota Israel. Bagaimana kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Palestina Pasca pengakuan Yerusalem sebagai ibukota Israel. Penelitian menggunakan penelitian kepustakaan dengan jenis penelitian kualitatif. Adapun metode pengumpulan data berupa artikel jurnal dan tulisan lainnya yang mendukung penelitian ini. Sehingga penulis menemukan beberapa tentang kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Palestina: pertama, terdapat faktor eksternal dan internal yang mempengaruhi kebijakan Indonesia terhadap krisis Palestina tidak dapat di abaikan. Kedua, diplomasi multilateral, dimana Indonesia aktif dalam KTT luar biasa OKI di Turki, pada forum MU PBB dan lembaga Dewan Keamanan PBB pada informasi Yerusalem. Ketiga, kebijakan Pembebasan Bea Pajak Produk dari Palestina. Tearkhir, yaitu dukungan kemanusiaan dalam bidang pendidikan dan kesehatan.]]>
<![CDATA[الدفاع عن التفسير الديني المحافظ: قراءة في تصوير دور المرأة في كتب محمد متولي الشعراوي في ضوء التحليل النقدي للخطاب ]]>
<![CDATA[Ainurrofiq, Faiq]]>;
<![CDATA[Ibnu Burdah]]>;
<![CDATA[Munirul Ikhwan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Adabiyah Vol 22 No 1 (2022): June (Islamic Humanities) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Adab and Humanities - Alauddin State Islamic University of Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/jad.v22i1a2
<![CDATA[تبحث هذه المقالة في تصوير دور المرأة في كتب محمد متولي الشعراوي خاصة فيما يتعلق بعمل المرأة في القطاع العام. واختار الباحثون منهج التحليل النقدي للخطاب للكشف عن أشكال الخطابات التمييزية ضد المرأة. إضافة إلى ذلك يسعى الباحثون الكشف عن الأيديولوجية الكامنة وراء ظهور الخطابات الدينية التمييزية في تصوير دور المرأة. وبدأوا الكشف عن الخطابات التمييزية بتحليل العناصر اللغوية في مستوى البنية الكبرى والبنية العليا والبنية الصغرى. وأخيرا، قدم الباحثون ثلاث نتائج في هذه المقالة. أولا، كان الشعراوي يفرق بصورة واضحة بين دور الرجل والمرأة. يكفي على المرأة أن تعمل في القطاعات المنزلية وأما الرجل فعليه حقوق أن يعمل في القطاعات العامة. يجوز على المرأة أن تعمل في القطاعات العامة في حالة الضرورة فقط. ثانيا، هيمنة الأيديولوجية الإسلامية المحافظة الأبوية والظروف الاجتماعية حول حياة الشعراوي تؤثر كثيرا على إدراكه الاجتماعي حيث تعينه على إنتاج الخطابات التي تميل إلى تهميش دور المرأة. في هذا السياق رفض الشعراوي دعوة المساواة بين الجنسين. ثالثا، كانت الخطابات الدينية التي تهمش دور المرأة يستخدمها الشعراوي لاستجابة انتشار الحركة النسائية في مصر. من خلال هذه الخطابات الدينية التي تقيد دور المرأة يسعى الشعراوي أن يعارض انتشار أيديولوجية نسوية بل يحفظ ويداوم أيديولوجية أبوية ضد نسائية. Abstract This paper examines the representation of women's in the Muhammad Mutawalli al-Sha'rawi’s books which discusses the role of women in the public sector, especially in the workforce. The researcher used critical discourse analysis to determine the forms of discrimination in the depiction of women's roles. In addition, the author tries to find the ideological background that influences the emergence of discriminatory discourse on the role of women. The tracking of discrimination against women in the text books begins by finding discriminatory discourses at the level of the micro structure, super structure and macro structure. Finally, the authors propose three findings. First, al-Sha'rawi distinguishes between the roles of men and women. Women play a role in the domestic sphere while men play a role in the public sphere. Women are allowed to work only in urgent circumstances. Second, the dominance of an Islamic conservative anti-feminist ideology greatly affects al-Sha'rawi's social cognition in formulating religious views related to the role of women so that the discourse that emerges tends to be discriminatory against women. In this context al-Sha'rawi rejects the discourse of equality between men and women. Third, discourses on limiting the role of women in the public sphere are al-Sha'rawi's response to the establishment of feminist ideology that is developing in Egypt. By reproducing religious discourse that limits the role of women, al-Sha'rawi and other Islamists counter ideology against the feminist movement and continue to strive to maintain an anti-feminist ideology.]]>
<![CDATA[GROWING EXCLUSION OF THE MAJORITY: The “Triumph of Wahhabism” and Its Threat to Indonesian Islam in the Democratic Society ]]>
<![CDATA[Burdah, Ibnu]]>
<![CDATA[ JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 17, No 1 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2023.17.1.54-75
<![CDATA[Although Wahhabi institutions have neither grown rapidly nor attracted a significant number of followers in Indonesia, the spread of Wahhabist thoughts among Indonesian Muslims has outreached the institutions and their propagators. This study proves the argument by examining the rift among a Muslim community in the Eastern Java village of "Karang Mojo", in which Wahhabism penetrates into the lives of the villagers due to exposure to a Wahhabi television station "Rodja”. This Wahhabi televangelism TV channel typically broadcasts religious narratives that exclude and attack the culturally vibrant practices of Indonesian Islam that preserved the tolerance to the local cultures. No prior record was found of the presence of a Wahhabi propagator or institution in the remote village. However, currently, a Muslim group with heavy Wahhabist influence has emerged in the remote village through various channels including Rodja television (hence, the group is hereinafter referred to as Rodjai). Through a series of observations and interviews with a number of people from the various groups in the village, the study points out the powerful influence of Wahhabism that penetrates into not only the urban areas but also the rural villages of Indonesia. The previously-unified Muslim community in the village is now divided. The Rodjai group in the village is very aggressive in attacking the culturally-rich practices of traditional Indonesian Islam and condemning those practices as heretical and superstitious that deviate from the pure teachings of Islam.]]>
<![CDATA[Arab Society Customs in School Found Within Kitab Al Arabiyyah Baina Yadaik ]]>
<![CDATA[Ritonga, Nur’ainun]]>;
<![CDATA[Sahyoni, Sahyoni]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurbayan, Yayan]]>;
<![CDATA[Burdah, Ibnu]]>;
<![CDATA[Rahman, Nur Fuadi]]>
<![CDATA[ Borneo Journal of Language and Education Vol 4 No 2 (2024): Borneo Journal of Language and Education, Vol.4 (No.2), Agustus 2024 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Tarbiyah dan Ilmu Keguruan, Universitas Islam Negeru Sultan Aji Muhammad Idris Samarinda ]]>
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DOI: 10.21093/benjole.v4i2.8226
<![CDATA[Language and culture are closely intertwined and inseparable. When someone learns a language, they also acquire the values and norms of the community that speaks it. In Arabic language teaching books like Arabiyyah Baina Yadaik, various materials introduce aspects of Arab culture such as social life, education, health, economy, and the environment. The purpose of this study is to investigate the institutional and non-institutional customs within the Arab community in schools as presented in the book "Al Arabiyyah Baina Yadaik Vol. 1a." This research adopts a library research approach, employing a qualitative descriptive method. The primary data source is the material from Kitab Al Arabiyah Baina Yadaik Vol. 1a in Addirasah. Secondary sources include books, previous research, and scientific articles related to the study's title. Data collection techniques primarily involve documentation. The analysis technique used is Content Analysis, which involves analyzing data based on its content. The research findings conclude that indigenous Arab customs in schools, as presented in the seventh theme al-dirasah, can be categorized into two groups: Customary Institutions and Non-Institutions. The Non-Institutional Customs identified include: (1) Referring to educators as Muallim/Muallimah or Mudarris/Mudarrisah, (2) Utilizing library and laboratory facilities during breaks, and (3) Commuting to school by bus or car.]]>
<![CDATA[Internalisasi Budaya Arab Melalui Pengenalan Ta’bir Arab Dalam Pembelajaran Maharah Al-Kalam ]]>
<![CDATA[Astina, Chairani]]>;
<![CDATA[Rahman, Rifqi Aulia]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurbayan, Yayan]]>;
<![CDATA[Burdah, Ibnu]]>
<![CDATA[ Lisanan Arabiya: Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa Arab Vol 8 No 2 (2024): December 2024 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Studi Kependidikan (PSKp) Fakultas Ilmu Tarbiyah dan Keguruan, Universitas Sains Al-Qur'an ]]>
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DOI: 10.32699/liar.v8i2.8220
<![CDATA[Maharah al-Kalam is the ability to express ideas or thoughts through articulated sounds with the aim of conveying understanding through two-way communication using language as the medium. In the context of learning Arabic, maharah al-kalam is one of the fundamental skills that students must master. However, most students face difficulties in speaking Arabic due to various factors, such as nervousness while speaking, lack of vocabulary mastery, limited practice, strong influence of local dialects, and monotonous teaching methods. The method used in this study is a literature review, and the data collection techniques employed by the author are documentation and literature study. In qualitative data analysis, the author utilizes content analysis. The objective of this study is to examine and describe how Arab culture can be internalized through the introduction of Arabic expressions (Ta’bir Arab) in Arabic language learning. This article will also provide examples of several expressions that can be introduced to students in teaching maharah al-kalam.]]>
<![CDATA[JARINGAN EKONOMI-POLITIK DAN MOBILISASI SOSIAL BAZAARIS PADA PERSIAN SPRING 2009 ]]>
<![CDATA[Bakhtiar Ramadhan, Reza]]>;
<![CDATA[Burdah, Ibnu]]>;
<![CDATA[Yunus Masrukhin, Mohammad]]>
<![CDATA[ Penamas Vol 37 No 1 (2024): Volume 37, Issue 1, January-June 2024 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Balai Penelitian dan Pengembangan Agama Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.31330/penamas.v37i1.786
<![CDATA[This article examines the involvement and role of bazaaris in the Persian Spring from 2009 to 2011. As economic actors, these bazaaris participated in political activities that opposed Ahmadinejad’s victory in the Iranian presidential election. This rejection sparked mass mobilization, fueled by religious fervor, political and social ideologies, and economic concerns. The qualitative research approach employed in this study utilizes political sociology, drawing data from literature reviews and digital fieldwork. The data analysis conducted in this research employs the theory of conflict and mass mobilization, yielding two significant findings. First, it reveals that the political-economic network of bazaaris is cross-border and multi-dimensional. Second, it highlights that the mass mobilization of bazaaris against Ahmadinejad is primarily motivated by political and economic competition. Consequently, the findings of this study contribute to enriching the discourse of political sociology, particularly in conceptualizing popular resistance movements against authorities based on political-economic conflicts. These conflicts are intricately woven into the fabric of magnetic field politics, which tend to be transactional in nature.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebudayaan, Masyarakat dan Kebebasan Pers di Tunisia ]]>
<![CDATA[Susila Wati, Ella]]>;
<![CDATA[Burdah, Ibnu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Multidisiplin Indonesia Vol. 2 No. 3 (2023): Jurnal Multidisiplin Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Riviera Publishing ]]>
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DOI: 10.58344/jmi.v2i3.183
<![CDATA[Artikel ini membahas tentang Kebudayaan, Masyarakat dan Kebebasan Pers di Tunisia. Dimana tunisia ini merupakan negara bagian utara benua Afrika. Dimana budaya dan identitas Tunisia ini dipengaruhi oleh interaksi antar Budaya dan etnis yang berbeda-beda. Keberagaman budaya Tunisia ini juga dipengaruhi oleh corak budaya dan sosial masyarakat Tunisia. Corak budaya Tunisia ini bisa berupa peninggalan budaya yang bisa dilihat di Musem Bardo. Adapun makanan dari Tunisia adalah olahan dari laut tengah Selatan. Corak keberagaman masyarkat Tunisia bisa juga dilihat dari pakaian tradisional. Masyarakat Tunisia pada dasarnya adalah suku bangsa Arab Berber. Namun seiring dengan perkembangan zaman Tunisia telah menerima berbagai imigrasi. Tunisia di bawah kediktatoran rezim Ben Ali, terjadi pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia dan kasus-kasus lainnya. Hal ini menimbulkan gerakan rakyat Tunisia dalam memprotes pemerintahan Ben Ali yang dirasa Otoriter. Kebebasan pers dan perkembangan demokrasi memiliki jalinan. Namun, kemunduran demokrasi secara global memberikan dampak negatif terhadap kebebasan pers dan media. Dimana sebelum Revolusi Iran, terjadi penindasan kebebasan berbicara dan sensor media. Dimana aktivis hak asasi manusia dan politik jarang berani mengkritiki rezim yang berkuasa secara terbuka yang melewati batas. Pada 2011 terjadi gerakan protes yang berujung revolusi Tunisia yang merupakan akumulasi dari aktivisme sosial selama satu dekade terakhir yang dipimpin oleh kelompok hak asasi manusia, aktivis politik dan kelompok pemuda yang kehilangan haknya]]>
