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‘Ulamā,’ Maṣlaḥah, and the Politics of Fatwa: The Shifting of Ali Gomaa's Fatwa Approach during the 2011 Egyptian Revolution Sulaiman, Akhmad; Masrukhin, Mohammad Yunus; Burdah, Ibnu
Asy-Syir'ah: Jurnal Ilmu Syari'ah dan Hukum Vol 57 No 2 (2023)
Publisher : UIN Sunan Kalijaga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajish.v57i2.1356

Abstract

Numerous scholars have advanced the thesis that rulers in Muslim-majority countries engage ‘ulamā’ to legitimize their political authority. This assertion seems pertinent to the actions of the state mufti of Egypt, Ali Gomaa, who issued a fatwa prohibiting demonstrations during the 2011 Egyptian Revolution. Applying the scholars' thesis to Gomaa's fatwas reveals complexity, as it turns out that Gomaa revised his fatwas, particularly those related to the transition from prohibiting demonstrations to endorsing peaceful assemblies. This research aims to analyze two aspects: exploring the motivating factors behind the changes in Gomaa's fatwas and identifying the inherent substantive shifts in his fatwas. By employing Foucault's discourse theory, the study delves into Gomaa fatwas during the 2011 Egyptian Revolution, meticulously documented on digital platforms. The research findings indicate that Gomaa's shift in fatwas stems from a vested desire for his pronouncements to achieve widespread acceptance and authority among a populace that embraces protest as an expression of freedom of speech. Gomaa modifies his fatwa, transitioning from an outright prohibition of demonstrations to permitting peaceful assemblies while encouraging demonstrators to exercise restraint through a suggestive fatwa allowing for leaving Friday prayer. Gomaa has orchestrated a paradigmatic shift in his fatwa approach, moving away from interpreting demonstrations as opposition to the rulers, grounded in preserving soul and property, toward recognizing them as manifestations of free speech rooted in citizens' rights. Banyak sarjana telah mengemukakan teori bahwa penguasa di negara-negara mayoritas Muslim melibatkan ‘ulamā’ untuk melegitimasi otoritas politik mereka. Pernyataan ini tampak relevan dengan tindakan mufti negara Mesir, Ali Gomaa, yang mengeluarkan fatwa melarang demonstrasi selama Revolusi Mesir tahun 2011. Penerapan teori para sarjana ke fatwa-fatwa Gomaa mengungkap kompleksitas, karena ternyata Gomaa merevisi fatwanya, khususnya yang terkait dengan peralihan dari melarang demonstrasi menjadi mendukung demonstrasi damai. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dua aspek: mengeksplorasi faktor-faktor motivasi di balik perubahan fatwa Gomaa dan mengidentifikasi pergeseran substantif yang melekat dalam fatwanya. Dengan menggunakan teori wacana Foucault, studi ini menunjukkan bahwa pergeseran fatwa Gomaa berasal dari keinginan yang kuat agar pengumumannya diterima secara luas dan memiliki otoritas di kalangan masyarakat yang mendukung protes sebagai bentuk ekspresi kebebasan berbicara. Gomaa memodifikasi fatwanya, beralih dari larangan demonstrasi secara mutlak menjadi mengizinkan pertemuan demontrasi yang damai, sambil secara bersamaan mendorong para demonstran untuk menahan diri melalui fatwa yang mengizinkan meninggalkan salat Jumat. Gomaa mengatur pergeseran paradigma dalam pendekatan fatwanya, yakni dari menjauhi interpretasi demonstrasi sebagai bentuk perlawanan terhadap penguasa berdasarkan konsep pemeliharaan jiwa dan properti, menuju pemahaman bahwa demonstrasi adalah manifestasi kebebasan berpendapat yang didasarkan atas hak-hak warga negara.
Erdogan’s Politics of Domination: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Neo-Ottomanism Taufiq, Firmanda; Burdah, Ibnu; Ikhwan, Munirul
AL-TAHRIR Vol 24 No 2 (2024): Islamic Studies
Publisher : IAIN Ponorogo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21154/altahrir.v24i2.9701

Abstract

Following the dissolution of the Ottoman dynasty in 1924, Turkey experienced profound political transformations. Transitioning from a monarchy under the Ottoman Empire to a republican system under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the country embraced secularism as a foundational principle. This article explores the political rhetoric of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the current President of Turkey, who has revived the concept of Neo-Ottomanism to shape Turkey's developmental trajectory and regional ambitions. By analyzing political statements, policy documents, and public discourses, this study investigates how Erdogan's administration employed Neo-Ottomanism not only to evoke a nostalgic vision of the Ottoman Empire’s grandeur but also as a strategic framework for asserting Turkey's regional influence and political dominance. The article argues that Neo-Ottomanism is a symbolic tool for national identity construction and a practical instrument for projecting geopolitical power.
Eklektisme Nilai-nilai dalam Keluarga sebagai Fondasi Pengembangan Kurikulum Pendidikan Bahasa Arab Hanafi Putra, Wahyu; Mahmudah, Mahmudah; Burdah, Ibnu; Nurbayan, Yayan
Edusia: Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan Asia Vol. 3 No. 1 (2023): Geographical Coverage: Indonesia and Ghana
Publisher : Perkumpulan Alumni dan Santri Mahyajatul Qurro’

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.53754/edusia.v3i1.643

Abstract

This research analyzes family values ​​as the foundation for developing an Arabic language education curriculum. This research is qualitative with a library research model. The research data is in the form of family values ​​obtained through several sources: Al-Qur'an, books, and e-journals. The collection technique is carried out with documentation. The author documents family values ​​obtained from various sources and then presents them in tabular form for analysis. The data analysis uses content analysis. The research results show that five values ​​in the family have an eclectic nature for developing the Arabic language education curriculum: communicative, cooperative, creative, responsible, and democratic. The five values ​​in the family have a close intersection, connection, and sustainability for the development of the Arabic language education curriculum in schools and higher education. Family values ​​can be connected to individuals, technology, and information resources in learning. Not all values ​​in the family can be represented in the Arabic language education methodology. Only interactive values ​​can be projected for developing the Arabic language education curriculum.
Internalisasi Budaya Arab Melalui Pengenalan Ta’bir Arab Dalam Pembelajaran Maharah Al-Kalam Astina, Chairani; Rahman, Rifqi Aulia; Nurbayan, Yayan; Burdah, Ibnu
Lisanan Arabiya: Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa Arab Vol 8 No 2 (2024): December 2024
Publisher : Pusat Studi Kependidikan (PSKp) Fakultas Ilmu Tarbiyah dan Keguruan, Universitas Sains Al-Qur'an

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32699/liar.v8i2.8220

Abstract

Maharah al-Kalam is the ability to express ideas or thoughts through articulated sounds with the aim of conveying understanding through two-way communication using language as the medium. In the context of learning Arabic, maharah al-kalam is one of the fundamental skills that students must master. However, most students face difficulties in speaking Arabic due to various factors, such as nervousness while speaking, lack of vocabulary mastery, limited practice, strong influence of local dialects, and monotonous teaching methods. The method used in this study is a literature review, and the data collection techniques employed by the author are documentation and literature study. In qualitative data analysis, the author utilizes content analysis. The objective of this study is to examine and describe how Arab culture can be internalized through the introduction of Arabic expressions (Ta’bir Arab) in Arabic language learning. This article will also provide examples of several expressions that can be introduced to students in teaching maharah al-kalam.
Dynamics of Normalization in the New Middle East: An Analysis of the Abraham Accords and Arab Strategic Interests Burdah, Ibnu
Jurnal Review Politik Vol. 14 No. 2 (2024): December
Publisher : Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Filsafat UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/jrp.2024.14.2.188-210

Abstract

In January 2020, President Donald Trump introduced the Abraham Accords, often hailed as the deal of the century. Many criticized the proposal for focusing solely on U.S. diplomatic peace efforts in the Middle East and shifting the core issue from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to the normalization of Arab-Israeli relations. Despite its controversies, the Abraham Accords normalized relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, potentially reshaping the "New Middle East" differently. This article explains the Abraham Accords, which primarily involve several Arab countries recognizing Israel's sovereignty and their willingness to establish full diplomatic relations with the Jewish state. The researcher draws two key conclusions by reviewing the process, content, atmosphere, and responses to the agreement. First, although the agreement seemed sudden, its achi­e­vement involved a complex, lengthy, and not entirely planned process. Second, Arab countries pursued this option not only out of solidarity with Palestine or pressure from their patron, the United States, but also to achieve various strategic interests—political, military, economic, and others—thereby effectively sidelining the Pales ti nian issue.